The Silent Sunset: A Daughter's Memoir

By Jennifer Nyeko-Jones

A SYNOPSIS

Born in Uganda, UK based Jennifer Nyeko-Jones was the first born of nine children in her family.

As the eldest child, she inherited more responsibility than those who came after her.

Ultimately, this congenital assumption of responsibility resulted in her father sponsoring her to further her education at a private college in England.

Being a child of the colonial era himself, her father, Sirayo Yona Nyeko, had an untainted faith in the British system of education, and wanted all his children to have the opportunity to study in England, beginning with Jennifer.

In 1977, after only eight months at this college, Jennifer learned the tragic news of the death of her father from an article in the Sunday Times newspaper, while Uganda was under the brutal regime of Idi Amin.

Jennifer was determined to achieve for herself all that her father had wished for her, and to this end she has worked her way through college and law school and is now a qualified solicitor. She is happily married with three children of her own and lives in North Kent.

Since the loss of her father more than 30 years ago, Jennifer has always felt the need to preserve his memory, and the best way she thought of doing this was to tell his story and her account THE SILENT SUNSET was born.

Jennifer has tried to make this book unique and different from the current trend of writing about Idi Amin and his regime, and instead she has written about the brutal real life consequences of the dictators rule from a family's point of view.

• Language: English
• Publisher: AuthorHouse UK
• Release date: Sep 7, 2011
• ISBN: 9781456788964

Jennifer Nyeko-Jones

Jennifer Nyeko-Jones was born in Uganda. She first came to England in 1976 to pursue her A level studies at Padworth College in Reading, England, during the Idi Amin era. After only eight months there, she learned of the death of her father in Uganda. Now, a qualified economist and practising solicitor, Jennifer is an avid reader of mystery novels. As a writer, she has written ' THE SILENT SUNSET' in memory of her father, Sirayo Yona Nyeko. She has other book projects in mind for the future. In addition, she has set up a charity to help vulnerable children and is a staunch advocate of justice, conciliation and peace. She lives in England and is married, with three children.

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© 2011. Jennifer Nyeko-Jones. All rights reserved

No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted by any means without the written permission of the author.

First published by AuthorHouse  09/01/2011

ISBN: 978-1-4567-8872-8 (sc)

ISBN: 978-1-4567-8896-4 (ebk)

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Because of the dynamic nature of the Internet, any web addresses or links contained in this book may have changed since publication and may no longer be valid. The views expressed in this work are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the publisher, and the publisher hereby disclaims any responsibility for them.

Contents

Prologue

1 Origins

2 Adulthood

3 Under the magical stars

4 African Business Promotions Limited

5 National Trading Corporation Years & My father’s diary entry

6 Up-Country journey

7 Resignation

8 The Military Coup

9 East African Legislative Assembly

10 British American Tobacco (U) Limited

11 My father’s speech to the Assembly

12 A hijacked plane at Entebbe

13 Leaving on a jet plane

14 Padworth College

15 The summer of 1977

16 The Homecoming

17 A reversal of fortune

18 At a cross-roads

19 Life as an Immigrant in the UK

20 A return to Uganda

21 New beginnings

22 The Search Begins

23 The Search Continues

Epilogue

Notes

Bibliography

Author Biography

missing image file

Sirayo Yona Nyeko

I dedicate this book to the memory of my father, Sirayo,

     Who we miss so much and owe the greatest debt of gratitude

       The best days of our lives were when he still lived

         Our memory of him is what sustains us every day.

           To Sara, my mother, my husband Steve, my children,

            Davina, Jonathan and Fiona for their support during my

             painful journey into the past. Most of all to

               Victoria and Phillip to get to know Dad a little better.

FOREWORD

Barely thirty two years on, and the world has forgotten the tyrannical regime of Idi Amin, and hundreds and thousands of his victims, whose families that they left behind, dare not to forget. Thankfully, this book sets out to record the life of Sirayo Yona Nyeko and his death during this turbulent time in Uganda’s history. It is also a story of a family, a country and that of a continent, Africa.

I was privileged to know Sirayo at a young age, when we were both at Primary School in Kitgum, where we played sports and football games together, spent many weekends fishing in the River Pager, singing the hymns in the school choir and later in life becoming his brother-in-law, when I married his sister Sarah Laker.

An extraordinary man who assumed the leadership position in any role that he found himself. He was admired and respected for his humility and intelligence. I have no doubt that there is no better person qualified than Jennifer, whom he loved and treasured, the others being still too young then, for this unenviable task of putting her father’s life on record. A task that would have required enormous research, courage, dedication, determination, diligence, endurance and patience. A daughter who loved and adored her father in equal measure.

Charles Opira Angoma

Former, General Manager, Lint Marketing Board, Uganda.

Acknowledgements

I am extremely grateful to my mother who did not hesitate to give me the support I needed and the contribution from my siblings in my quest. I am indebted to my Aunties, Samali, Helen, Sara and Uncle Charles Angoma. And of course not forgetting Great Auntie Leonora. Without their assistance and support my work would not have been completed.

To those in Uganda such as, Alipayo Oloya, Ananiya Akera, Professor Ocitti, Abednego Absolom Ongom, who went out of their way to assist me with information regarding my father and not least those who are in the UK such as Michael Flynn and Gary Smailes, who did not hesitate to support me in any way possible. Most of all my gratitude goes to my husband for his tolerance, patience and support in this ambitious project.

Prologue

Oh Uganda, the land of freedom…We hold your future in our hands –

So the national anthem goes, but it was not always so. Uganda was a British colony from 1894 to 1962. With the dawn of the Industrial Revolution in Europe, international trade in various commodities such as cotton and coffee was essentially boosted – although trade in one commodity, i.e slavery, came to an end. Towards the close of the nineteenth century, Europe was forced to look further afield for the resources it needed to satisfy it’s own rise in consumption. Africa’s resources inland had remained largely untapped until then.

However, the Arabs had blazed a trail along the east coast of Africa, long before that, trading in cloves and ivory. As a result, the Islamic religion and civilisation spread. The contact between the Arabs and the East African population was nothing new. As it goes back to the first century , when the two groups mixed freely and the intermarriage between them produced the Swahili people – the word Swahili meaning ‘coast’ in Arabic. Even the change in the East African economy after the abolition of the slave trade did not deter the Arabs. On the contrary, it only resulted in increased agricultural production. With the opening of the Suez Canal, British trade was also boosted and the use of Zanzibar as a port, increased tremendously.

For many years, European governments did not give any serious thought to going inland into Africa. It was only the explorers, abolitionists and traders who were more enthused. The French had only traded in slaves along the coast of Zanzibar. While the Americans traded in ivory, spices, hides and cotton. European governments had viewed colonies as an expensive burden. But this soon changed when Morton Stanley brought news of the commercial viabilities of the continent. Particularly Congo, which captured the imagination of King Leopold of Belgium. Ultimately, Belgium would become the first Western government to toy with the idea of colonising Africa.

Later, events in Europe would force the hands of other Western governments. Between 1884-5, Bismarck, the German Chancellor, decided that acquiring colonies in East Africa and other parts could gain Germany some prestige. And also that it could help strengthen his personal position in the German Reichstag. When Gladstone, the then British Prime Minister, heard of Bismarck’s change of mind and interest in East Africa, he simply noted, If Germany becomes a colonising power, all I can say is ‘God speed her’.¹

After several years, and a lot of foot dragging from the British Government, Lord Salisbury, having taken over as the Prime Minister, finally accepted that having a foothold in the continent had become a necessity.

Not only because of the declining role of India in Britain’s colonial aspiration and their need to look ‘elsewhere’ for goods and markets. But also because of Britain’s desire to secure a safe passage from Egypt through Sudan to the source of the River Nile. Controlling the source of the Nile was crucial. As it meant that, not only could Britain control Egypt, and the mediterranean sea, but it would also control the passage to India through the Suez.

The source of that River Nile was in Uganda, and if any other European power acquired it, this could jeopardise British interests in Egypt and India. This was the trigger that spurred on the British to want to colonise Uganda in particular. The immediate reason to colonise Africa in general, however, for both Britain and Germany, was to curtail the unstoppable ambitions of King Leopold II of Belgium in Congo. As a consequence, a scramble for Africa ensued.

Before all of this, in what is now present day Uganda, the migration of African populations into the heavy rainfall areas of East Africa, began as far back as the fifteenth century. This area lies between the eastern and western ridges of the Great Rift Valley. Also known as the two Rift Valleys of East Africa. The Bantu (people who spoke the bantu languages) had left the drier plains and grasslands to the cattle keepers, who soon followed them to the wetlands. The Bantu, mainly an agricultural people, had large herds of cattle as well. They lived in a small and relatively settled community. The Nilo-Hamites and Nilotic peoples shared the same African ancestry.

Therefore, it is most likely that the Bantu population moved into central Uganda from the west, southwest and south of Africa. Carving out a place for themselves by the time the Ethiopian migrant from the north also in search of less drier plains, moved southwards into Uganda.

These new arrivals were called the Chwezi. The ancestors of the Tutsi in present day Rwanda and Burundi. Being a pastoral people by nature, they kept long-horned cattle and were led by chiefs. As Chwezi chiefs were more concerned with their cattle than their subjects, the Bantu were left free to cultivate the land as they wished. The two peoples intermingled to form a loose union known as Kitara, in the present-day Bunyoro. This union was further developed when the Luo Babito, mainly from the River-Lake areas in the north, also arrived in the sixteenth century. They comprised the Nilo-Hamites and the Nilotic people. They succeeded the Chwezi, displacing them as rulers and forcing the Chwezi to withdraw into Ankole, Karagwe and Rwanda.

The Luo Babito were not great in number and were effectively absorbed into the way of life of the Bantu majority in the kingdom. They adopted some of the Chwezi culture, including the language. In time, the Nilotes introduced a more developed form of rule, which joined together the functions of priest and king. They showed as much concern for their subjects as their cattle. The Babito were not satisfied by just looking after cattle alone. Soon, groups of warriors started to attack neighbouring areas, claiming swathes of land for the King of Bunyoro, who ruled over a loose-knit empire. The subsequent migration of Nilotics throughout the area, and the resulting interchange of ideas and skills that took place, led to a more complex society in East Africa. The first of the Bito rulers of Buganda was Kimera. He appears to have left Bunyoro under pressure from further Luo invasions around the latter part of the sixteenth century. Kimera’s small sized kingdom then meant that he and his associates had links with every clan in the area.

Unlike the rest of Uganda, Buganda was fortunate in that it had a steady annual rainfall of at least 30 inches. Which meant that people in the area could grow and rely on plantain bananas. While the women cultivated the banana fields, the men were able to devote their time to building huts, making canoes, and developing an elaborate state structure. This structure was supported by a scheme of taxation and forced labour. The feudal system of the early days of the Babito Dynasty was now changing into a centralised bureaucracy.

At the head was a king called the Kabaka, who was elected by an assembly of great chiefs and court officials. The Kabaka was considered by his people to be some sort of divine being, whose word must be obeyed without question. The candidates from whom the Kabaka was elected were usually the sons of previous kings. The idea was to avoid one bloodline dominating the kingship. In those days, once a candidate had been chosen by the council of elders, the others were either imprisoned or executed.²

The top officials appointed by the king were the Prime Minister (Katikiro), the Chief Justice (Omulamuzi), and the Treasurer (Omuwanika). The Kabaka’s kingdom was divided into counties, sub-counties and parishes. Chiefs were appointed by the king to take care of day-to-day affairs.

One of the first features of this bureaucracy was a council (Lukiko), composed of great chiefs (Bakungu). These were non-hereditary positions and appointments were made by the king. Those considered as high-ranking chiefs ruled four main districts within the kingdom. Among the less important ones were the royal household officials, who were also looked upon as chiefs. They would have been appointed from the many sons of each clan and been sent to the court to be educated and given jobs. Promotion was often through military excellence or merit within the civil service.

It was Speke, the English explorer who, in 1862, as a representative of the Royal Geographical Society, returned to East Africa. To locate the source of the Nile that was so vital to British interests. He was also the first European to enter Buganda in Uganda.

The British Government had concluded from the outset that going inland was not going to be easy. While they debated, they left the door open to explorers such as David Livingstone and Henry Morton Stanley, a Journalist. These two, took the decision that the best way to pacify the natives was through the spread of Christianity.

Taking this objective a step further, Stanley meets King Mutesa I, the Kabaka of Buganda. By welcoming Stanley as he did, Mutesa was to compromise his position with his desire to adopt European ways. Stanley having persuaded the Kabaka to adopt christianity, appeals directly to the Church Missionary Society, to send missionaries to Uganda.³

Over time, most Ugandans had accepted christianity, despite the difficulties and dangers experienced by the missionaries when they first entered the country. To the Kabaka of Buganda, the various religious groups had simply represented political power; whether they were the Christian Missionary Society from England, the Roman Catholic Church from Italy or the Muslim Arabs. The three groups were all welcomed into the Kabaka’s court – at first.

Kabaka Mwanga II, who had succeeded his father, Kabaka Mutesa I, soon became unpopular, both with his people and the missionaries. He exhibited a volatile and violent behaviour. The chiefs and the Arabs played on his lack of self-confidence. They unleashed warnings of European imperialism and how the missionaries represented that threat. Predictably, Mwanga issued a directive that none of his subjects should associate with the missionaries. When his orders were ignored, accused his subjects of disloyalty. He feared that the Christian missionaries wanted to take over his land, and therefore reacted violently. His idea of reasserting his authority was to order the summary execution of three converts of the Church Missionary Society. This was followed by the execution of Bishop Hannington, a missionary. His only crime was to have come from the direction of Mombasa to the east of the country, and entered the Buganda kingdom; where most people believed that the person who would overthrow the king would come from.

Colonisation of Uganda, thus, began in earnest amidst this religious turbulence, and a company was created to oversee the process. The Imperial British East African Company, (IBEA), became the instrument of British policy in Uganda. IBEA was led by Captain Lugard, who arrived in Uganda in December 1890. Lugard, a soldier was plunged headlong into these wars. He even meddled with the Buganda kingship succession system, which ended with disastrous consequences.⁴ Captain Lugard, whose forces fought and defeated Kabaka Mwanga II, had hastily arranged the installation of Mwanga’s eldest brother, Kiwewa. He only lasted seventy-two days as king. Kiwewa had refused to be circumcised, or comply with the demands of the Islamic religion. Therefore, he was removed from the throne by his Muslim younger brother Kalema, with the combined support of the council of elders, Buganda Muslims and the Arabs. Before long, Kalema, proved unpopular and was removed by a combined force of the Christians and Lugard forces. Subsequently, they reinstated Mwanga, a Christian, back to the throne,⁵ and Uganda was declared a British colony in August 1894.

Now came the job of financing the administration of Uganda, which in the end proved too expensive for the British taxpayer. This forced the leaders to devise ways of reducing expenses. In 1900 Sir Harry Johnston, as the first administrator, arrived in Uganda to oversee and developed the country. Fortunately, Uganda had a king and a kingdom. Which meant that there was already an organised society in place. Sir Harry therefore came to an agreement with Buganda, referred to as the Buganda Agreement of 1900. He had realised early on that without the support of the monarchy, the administration of Uganda could be very difficult indeed. That the best way was to negotiate, rather than impose his own policy, and to work with them; while always keeping one eye on what was best for Britain – but not necessarily for Uganda.

Among other things they agreed that the boundaries of the kingdom would be defined; that the Kabaka and chiefs were to renounce any claim on certain provinces of Uganda in favour of Her Majesty the Queen of England; that Buganda was to be treated as any other province of Uganda; that civil or criminal cases involving the Baganda and people of other regions in Uganda would be handled by the British Courts of Justice; Also a hut tax of three rupees per annum on any house or hut used as a dwelling, was introduced. More than half of the estimated area of the Buganda kingdom was recognised as Crown land.

Before 1900, all land was considered to belong to the Kabaka. The agreement now meant that all land would be allotted to his family, regents and chiefs according to ranks, and only some of the land would belong to him. The Kabaka had no option but to cooperate with the British. As a result, the Administration gained very useful support from the literate Baganda chiefs. Many of whom had become staunch christians. Sharing the same principles, and who would help to extend British rule elsewhere in Uganda.

Some of the fiercest resistance to British rule came from Rwot Awich of Payira, whose chiefdom was in Acholi. A formidable man, Rwot Awich’s constant raiding on neighbouring territories soon brought him to the attention of the British. Who tried in vain to arrest him on several occasions. During the war between Bunyoro and the British, the Bunyoro’s king, Kabalega, and his soldiers sought sanctuary with Rwot Awich in Payira.

The British, feared that leaving things as they were, would inevitably enable Awich and Kabalega to build a combined force against them. Therefore, they demanded an immediate expulsion of Kabalega from Payira. A demand which Rwot Awich flatly refused on the grounds that he was sovereign and took no orders from anyone. Absolutely livid, the British sent a force under the command of Captain Harman to bring Awich to heel. Rwot Awich was quickly subdued, arrested and imprisoned in Kampala.

However, the British could not build an effective administration in Payira without Awich, and given the strong demand from his people, for his return, the chief was reinstated. His eventual downfall came when he was tried at Nimule for hoarding guns from Arab traders. During the court proceedings, the chief hit a British prosecutor. Not only did Rwot Awich lose the case, he was fined two cows, and imprisoned in Kampala again, this time for contempt of court.⁶

A few years later, the railway line was built from Mombasa, in Kenya, to Kampala, with the help of labour brought in from India. This Indian labour were known as ‘coolies’. They suffered untold hardships in a hostile environment. Riddled with malaria, they perished in great numbers. They often encountered hostile Africans, who were content with their lot, and saw the railway construction as an interference with their way of life. Even the lions at Tsavo in Kenya, proved a hazard. They ate some of the workers, who survived the African natives, before being hunted down and killed.

Having seen Uganda’s economic potential, the railway became essential for tapping that economic wealth. Initially, the economy was still dependent on the exports of ivory, hides and chillies, and, on a small scale, peasant farming. Diversifying the economy was one way to reduce the burden on the British taxpayer, and so the administration decided to introduce cash crops. The task was now to convince the African farmers not only to adopt new methods of farming but also to grow new crops. People were encouraged to plant trial crops such as coffee, wheat, sugarcane, groundnuts, rubber, tea, cotton, vanilla and cocoa. Although, in the end, it was cotton that proved successful as a cash crop, nevertheless it took an intensive effort on the part of the Administration to win the hearts and minds of the people. Therefore it was not until 1904 when it was finally introduced as a cash crop. To supply the British textile industry. Because of its quality, Ugandan cotton would exceed expectations, and tremedously contribute to the economic development of the country, providing its population with a cash income and security.

For now, though, a poll tax was introduced to generate revenue for the new administration. Sir Harry Johnston, encouraged by the response in Buganda, went on to make similar arrangements with the rulers of Toro and Ankole to the west, and Bunyoro in Central Uganda. In the north and west of the Nile area, where the population was not so large, posts were established.

Unlike Kenya, where Europeans were in positions of leadership, Uganda was African-led and very much a black man’s country. Kings and chiefs led their people into new ways of life, although behind the scenes it was mainly a British administration. The Ugandan Africans strived to be masters of their own destiny.

A British style of education soon flourished, through the hard work of the Christian missionaries. As early as 1902, secondary boarding schools were opened. In line with colonial policy, the main emphasis was on agricultural and technical skills. It was the chiefs who were the first to take advantage of this new order of things. Before the contribution by Europeans, African children were instructed and taught by their elders in the ways of their people. As a result of the arrival of the Christian missionaries, this traditional type of education died a natural death.

With the development of central and local government, the British almost immediately split Uganda into four provinces. As a result, Acholi became part of the Northern Province. Whilst the other three provinces were named as Buganda Province, the Eastern Province and the Western Province. As in Acholi some districts were instantly created within provinces, and others were created after the Independence of 1962. Eventually, a general pattern of local government emerged. At the same time executive powers were firmly put in the hands of provincial and district commissioners in the towns. In the villages, power was in the hands of the chiefs, assisted by advisory councils that were made up of elders from prominent families within the clan.

The process of colonisation ultimately left some profound legacies in its wake, sometimes with high costs. Whilst there was the difference in development between Buganda and the other regions with its ripple effect, still seen in evidence; there was the creation of an affluent landowning class, with the landless poor being more or less tenants at will. This, inevitably, led to those chiefs and their people who were able to organise themselves, to grow and market crops such as cotton and coffee. They became prosperous, whilst those such as the cattle keepers and subsistence farmers were a little less successful. The Buganda Agreement created an affluent landowning class, with the landless poor being more and more pushed down the ladder of ownership – of any kind.

There is still, to this day, the problem of the ‘lost counties’ of Bunyoro, which has its origin in the colonial administration. The British made a secret agreement to hand over large portions of Bunyoro to Buganda as a reward for their help in the war against the Bunyoro King Kabalega. For their strategic interest, the British had wanted to secure the route up the Nile through Sudan and into Egypt. Without freedom of movement in these parts of Bunyoro, there would have been no safe passage. This issue came about as a result of a deal struck between Captain Lugard, who headed the Imperial British East Africa Trading Company and the Buganda Kingdom, back in 1896.

Captain Lugard had given to Buganda, all the land in the Bunyoro Kingdom south of the Kafu River, as a reward for helping him secure southern Bunyoro. It was done in open disregard to future tribal conflicts. This action by the British colonialists for the most part would later set the stage for the 1966 crisis. A crisis, that would weaken the newly independent government of Uganda considerably.

Had the British not made the secret agreement with Buganda to hand over large portions of Bunyoro to Buganda, a number of questions are therefore raised. Would the 1966 crisis have taken place resulting in the flight of Kabaka Mutesa II into exile to England? Would Obote have assumed power the way he did? Would Amin have found fertile ground and a well of support amongst the Baganda which made his assumption of power all the more possible, thus leading to the deathnell of a country with seemingly high prospects after colonialism?

1

Origins

The sky was misty and overcast with shades of grey. The leaves on the trees had dried and turned yellow. At first, I did not know what to make of this contrast in colour with the cold outside as I sat in the warm school bus. I was on my way to Padworth College in Reading. Having just been picked up from Heathrow Airport by a middle-aged man who introduced himself as John.

The year was 1976. This was the first time I had set foot on British soil. A mere nine hours ago, I had been at Entebbe Airport in Uganda, saying goodbye to my parents, brothers and sisters. There had been an air of unease at the airport. As the Israeli commando raid to rescue the Jewish hostages from a hijacked airliner had taken place only two months earlier. Armed soldiers could still be seen dotted in and around the airport.

Now, here I was, entering the autumnal countryside of the broad Kennet Valley. We turned into a gate within a small wood and continued along the drive, to be confronted with a vast magnificent eighteenth-century building. This enormous property was home to Padworth College. Situated in a beautiful landscape. The property was said to have been leased to the college by Lady Jennifer Bernard, the daughter of the Earl of Bandon. Padworth was then an all girls’ college. My father had privately sponsored me for one year to study for A-levels before embarking on a law degree. I didn’t know it at the time, that my life was at the crossroads of change.