Palestine Underground: The Story of the Jewish Resistance

By J. Borisov

JEWISH Palestine is enveloped in the flames of revolt. There is a virtual state of war between Palestinian Jewry and Great Britain, the Mandatory Power. The Jerusalem correspondent of the London Observer (March 30, 1946) most clearly told the readers of that influential English weekly: “The tragic truth, which becomes clear here on the spot, is that what is now going on is mainly a British-Jewish conflict and not so much an Arab-Jewish quarrel which needs impartial arbitration.”

The Jews did not enter this conflict light-heartedly; they do not defy the British unnecessarily. The Jews were never an aggressive, war loving nation, never a people seeking conflict. They do not seek it today. Nor does anyone suggest for a moment that the British Empire is not stronger by far than the Palestine Yishuv, which is now engaged in a desperate Resistance struggle. But history has proved that Resistance movements do not count the might of the adversary, nor the price to be paid. Neither does their own strength lie in their numbers. The war the Jewish Resistance forces are waging is a deliberate attempt to persuade the Mandatory Power—to persuade by deeds and not by words—that no military or police force can keep the gates of Palestine closed to the Jewish repatriates and crush the Jewish longing for freedom and statehood.

The epos of the Jewish Resistance Movement in Palestine will be written someday, after it has achieved its goal. This book, which was first published in 1947, is a very imperfect attempt to tell the story of Resistance in the light of the available material, published and unpublished. The publishers believe that even in its present incomplete form the story deserves public interest.

• Language: English
• Publisher: Valmy Publishing
• Release date: Dec 1, 2018
• ISBN: 9781789124781

J. Borisov

J. Borisov (pseud.) was a well-known Zionist leader and journalist, who secured firsthand information about the Jewish Resistance.

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Text originally published in 1947 under the same title.

© Valmy Publishing 2018, all rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted by any means, electrical, mechanical or otherwise without the written permission of the copyright holder.

Publisher’s Note

Although in most cases we have retained the Author’s original spelling and grammar to authentically reproduce the work of the Author and the original intent of such material, some additional notes and clarifications have been added for the modern reader’s benefit.

We have also made every effort to include all maps and illustrations of the original edition the limitations of formatting do not allow of including larger maps, we will upload as many of these maps as possible.

PALESTINE UNDERGROUND

THE STORY OF JEWISH RESISTANCE

BY

J. BORISOV

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Contents

TABLE OF CONTENTS 3

INTRODUCTION 4

1—PRE-WAR RESISTANCE MOVEMENT: HASHOMER—HAGANA—IRGUN 5

I 5

II 6

III 7

IV 9

2—AFTER THE OUTBREAK OF THE WAR THE STERN GROUP 12

I 12

II 16

3—THE IRGUN TAKES THE OFFENSIVE 17

I 17

II 20

III 21

4—FIGHTING TERRORISM 25

I 25

II 27

5—LORD MOYNE’S ASSASSINATION 30

I 30

II 31

III 32

IV 33

6—THE CAIRO TRIAL 35

I 35

II 36

III 38

IV 39

7—BLOWS AND CONTRE-BLOWS 41

I 41

II 42

III 48

8—THE RESISTANCE EXPANDS 51

I 51

II 54

III 58

IV 62

9—POLICIES OF THE RESISTANCE 65

I 65

II 65

III 70

IV 72

V 74

VI 75

10—WAR BULLETIN 1946 77

11—THE BIG SHOWDOWN 100

A. Kidnapping of British Officers 100

B. The Blowing Up of the King David Hotel 104

APPENDICES 110

APPENDIX A—THE IRISH PATTERN 110

APPENDIX В—THE PATTERN OF INDIA 115

REQUEST FROM THE PUBLISHER 117

INTRODUCTION

JEWISH Palestine is enveloped in the flames of revolt. There is a virtual state of war between Palestinian Jewry and Great Britain, the Mandatory Power. The Jerusalem correspondent of the London Observer (March 30, 1946) most clearly told the readers of that influential English weekly: The tragic truth, which becomes clear here on the spot, is that what is now going on is mainly a British-Jewish conflict and not so much an Arab-Jewish quarrel which needs impartial arbitration.

The Jews did not enter this conflict light-heartedly; they do not defy the British unnecessarily. The Jews were never an aggressive, war loving nation, never a people seeking conflict. They do not seek it today. Nor does anyone suggest for a moment that the British Empire is not stronger by far than the Palestine Yishuv, which is now engaged in a desperate Resistance struggle. But history has proved that Resistance movements do not count the might of the adversary, nor the price to be paid. Neither does their own strength lie in their numbers. The war the Jewish Resistance forces are waging is a deliberate attempt to persuade the Mandatory Power—to persuade by deeds and not by words—that no military or police force can keep the gates of Palestine closed to the Jewish repatriates and crush the Jewish longing for freedom and statehood.

The epos of the Jewish Resistance Movement in Palestine will be written someday, after it has achieved its goal. This pamphlet is a very imperfect attempt to tell the story of Resistance in the light of the available material, published and unpublished. The publishers believe that even in its present incomplete form the story deserves public interest.

The author of the pamphlet who writes under the pen-name J. Borisov is a well-known Zionist leader and journalist; he was in a position to secure firsthand information about the Resistance.

1—PRE-WAR RESISTANCE MOVEMENT: HASHOMER—HAGANA—IRGUN

I

MODERN Zionist colonization of Palestine has always faced the crucial problem of security. During the earliest years of Zionist settlement in Palestine Arabs exclusively were employed as night guards over Jewish rural property against the incursions of thieves and brigands. Often the Arab watchmen made bargains with the thieves and at all times the Jewish colonists were in fear, and often at the mercy, of their Arab guardsmen. The Jewish pioneers soon realized that Jewish land and property must not only be worked, but also defended by Jews.

So it came about that in the week of Succoth, 1907, ten young men met in Jaffa and decided to form a Jewish Watchmen’s Organization. This small group became the guiding force of Hashomer, the Guild of Jewish Watchmen. They called themselves Bar Giora, after the Galilean who played so important a role in the Jewish struggle against Rome. The slogan of the group was By blood and fire Judaea fell and by blood and fire Judaea shall arise. Pesach, 1909, this organization adopted its constitution, which made eligible for membership every Jew of sound body and mind who had completed six months of training and agreed to place his duty to Hashomer above all personal concern. Each member took an oath to obey orders promptly and without questions. A loan fund was established to purchase weapons and to guarantee losses of property by theft.

By 1914, the Hashomer operated throughout the country as village police. After the outbreak of World War I, the Turkish authorities proscribed the organization and imprisoned many of its members. Nevertheless, the depleted ranks of the Hashomer were active until the society disbanded in 1919 and was superseded by the Hagana (Defense).

From its inception the Hagana had broader functions than the Hashomer. Its original recruits were primarily drawn from the Jewish Legion which was created by V. Jabotinsky and had fought with the Allies in the last war. The founders of the Hagana thought of this organization as of a purely defensive body, to be mobilized in emergency only and solely against eventual Arab attacks. During the early interwar years repeated Arab anti-Jewish outbreaks led to Hagana’s rapid expansion. Its existence was an open secret, not only in the Yishuv, but also in governmental circles. But with the comparative lull of the mid-twenties, the Hagana’s militant pathos whittled down considerably and its ranks thinned. The organization became an outgrowth of the official Zionist policy of appeasement.

The 1929 pogrom was a bitter awakening. It found the Hagana completely unprepared for action, without arms, trained cadres and commanders. This cruel lesson led to a new numerical and technical expansion of the organization. In this respect much has been attained. But the spirit behind remained unchanged. The Hagana lacked a dynamic militant approach to the Jewish security problem. On the other hand, many Hagana members resented the fact that this organization practically was a branch of the Histadruth (leftist labor union), and insisted that the defense of the Jewish community in Palestine must be entrusted to an independent body, controlled not by one party, but by the community as such.

This brought about the first split in the Hagana ranks. In 1930-1932, a separate Hagana B was created. This new body was organized on a purely military basis and was politically controlled by a committee in which were represented all Zionist parties (General Zionists, Misrachi, Revisionists) with the exception of the Left. In 1933, Hagana В started the publication of a periodical Bacherev (With the Sword).

After the outbreak of the Arab revolt in 1936, the official Hagana meekly followed the official Zionist line of havlaga (restraint), which prescribed purely defensive tactics and condemned every attempt of retaliation for the wanton murder of Jews. Thus, the Arab bands have always been free to choose the place and the time for their attacks against the Jews, while the Jewish defense was permanently bound to accept the struggle under conditions imposed by the enemy and was forbidden to take the offensive.

II

This absurd and humiliating situation led to violent conflicts in the ranks of both Hagana groups. Growing indignation provoked sporadic retaliation actions by individual commanders of single Hagana cells. Finally, in April 1937, the Irgun Zvai Leumi (National Military Organization) was officially formed. The new body, which was the outcome of the split in Hagana B, categorically rejected the futile policy of restraint. It considered itself an embryo of a Jewish national military force waging a struggle for the survival of Palestine Jewry and the creation of a Jewish State. An army never limits itself to passive defense. Even in a purely defensive war the attack is often the most effective means of defense. And the Irgun was firmly determined to prove to the Mufti’s henchmen that armed Jewish patriots do not intend to take the mass murder of their brethren lying down and are ready to strike where and when they will choose.

The Irgun’s ideology was built on four basic principles:

1. The creation of a Jewish State presupposes the existence of an armed Jewish force.

2. Every Jew has a natural right to enter Palestine freely.

3. Every Jewish group which adheres to the principle of Jewish State must be considered an ally in the struggle for national independence.

4. Every foreign power supporting Jewish right to independence and statehood must be equally considered an ally.

After months of preparation, the Irgun delivered the first crushing blow. During the first week of September 1937, the Arab aggressors have murdered three Jews. The counterattack by the Irgun cost the lives of thirteen Arabs. A new outbreak of Arab terrorism was countered on November 14, 1937—Black Sunday to the Mufti led Arab bands—by a lightning counter-action of the Irgun, which was concentrated mostly in and around Jerusalem. The notorious Arab village of Lyftah, which was responsible for numerous murders of Jews, was strafed particularly hard.

The Jewish Agency indignantly denounced the bold initiative of the Irgun as marring the moral record of Palestine Jewry, hampering the political struggle and undermining security. In contrast, the very realistic London Times dryly noted that since the Jews began reprisals, the attacks on them have decreased. There is every reason to believe that the Times appraisal was a more accurate picture of the actual situation.

Throughout the bloody three years from 1936 to 1939, the Irgun continued its dynamic struggle against the Arab campaign of intimidation and extermination.

Another paramount field of Irguns’ activities was organizing the so-called illegal immigration and securing safe landing of the non-quota immigrants. One of the basic principles of the Irgun’s ideology was the natural birthright of every Jew to enter his homeland. And the Irgun faithfully lived up to this conviction. An Intelligence report, based on the files of the Palestine Criminal Investigation Department, states: It may be estimated that as many as 50,000 illegal immigrants probably readied Palestine since the formation of Irgun in 1937. There is no way of calculating the percentage of those who have entered the country under the Irgun auspices, although it may be presumed that the society was responsible for a substantial share of the total.

The Irgun grew into a considerable fighting force. The British United Press news agency reluctantly told millions of newspaper readers that

the Irgun Zvai Leumi is armed with rifles, bombs and hand grenades and has a skilled technical and general staff. It is voluntarily recruited and voluntarily financed. Members are selected for their ideas, loyalty and organizing ability. Both the British authorities and the Jewish Agency are acting on the assumption that the Irgun is connected with the Revisionists. The aim of the Irgun is identical with that the New Zionist Organization—the establishment of a self-governing Jewish majority in Palestine and Transjordan.

III

In his recent book Trouble Zone, Leon Denen who studied the Palestine situation on the spot stresses the significant fact that the British colonial police did not or could not do much to stop Arab attacks against the Jews. On the contrary, they often incited the Arabs against the Jews. Soldiers of General Dill’s army which was supposed to suppress Arab terrorism, were known to sing the following little song:

"Arab don’t shoot me.

Shoot the man behind the tree.

He is a treacherous Jew,

I am Englishman true.

Arab don’t shoot me

Shoot the man behind the tree."

However, when the Irgun, convinced that no help was to be expected from the British, began to indulge in reprisals against Arab brigands, the British were suddenly galvanized into action. They arrested members of the Irgun Zvai Leumi indiscriminately and I also heard many details of the tortures to which these boys were subjected.

Malcolm MacDonald, then British Colonial Secretary, admitted on May 26,1939, before the House of Commons that 13 concentration camps were already at that time in existence in Palestine, situated as follows: Ramallah, Bethlehem, Enab (Jerusalem sub-district), Sarafend, Nablus, Jinsafut (Nablus sub-district), Tulkarem, Baga al Gharbiya (Tulkarem sub-district), Jenin, Kefar Tevor (Nazareth sub-district), Athlit, Acre, Al Malikiay (Safed sub-district).

A pamphlet This is Betar describing the program and activities of the Revisionist youth movement Brith Trumpeldor (Betar), from which the membership of the Irgun was largely recruited, states that there were periods when hundreds of Betarim (members of the Betar) in Palestine were imprisoned. In 1938 in only one concentration camp in Sarafend, three hundred Betarim were held besides many more in the prisons of Jerusalem. Akko, Haifa, Tel Aviv, and other places. It sometimes happens that the police cannot find the young Betari for whom they are looking so they arrest his old father, as it was the case with a seventy-two-year-old man. The sanitary conditions in the prisons are terrible, the food is very bad. If the arrested man or woman is suspected merely of belonging to the ‘terrorists’ groups, then the police use methods like those of the Gestapo: they are beaten, tortured, various sadistic means are used to get information which may help the police in their fight against the patriots.

In June 1938, the whole Jewish world was shocked by the death sentence pronounced on three members of the Betar-Abraham Shein, Shalom Zurabin and Shlomo Ben Yosef. Deeply outraged by a recent Arab attack against a Jewish bus on the route Safed-Rosh Pina during which 14 Jews have been killed and four Jewish women raped, they decided to retaliate against an Arab bus carrying passengers to the neighboring village of Jaouni, from where the Arab terrorists originated. The attack, conceived as an act of reprisal and intended to save Jewish self-respect in the face of brazen Arab outrages, miscarried; none of the Arab bus passengers was injured. Nevertheless, the British Military Court in Haifa decided, on June 3, 1938, that Zurabin was to be placed under medical observation; Abraham Shein and Shlomo Ben Yosef were to hang by the neck until they were dead.

After that came two weeks’ of unceasing attempt to secure a reprieve. Appeals to the British Government and the Palestine Administration came from the Jewish national organizations, from the Chief Rabbi of the British Empire, from two Anglican Bishops, from the Manchester Guardian, from the Polish Government, from Chief Rabbi Herzog of Palestine; from British M.P.’s and newspaper editors, from churches and synagogues, from Ben Yosef’s aged mother in Poland who begged only that her young son’s life be spared until she could reach Palestine to see him for the last time. V Jabotinsky went to plead with Britain’s Colonial Secretary, Malcolm MacDonald, a ridiculous pedantic fellow—as he later described him—with the mind of a flunkey. In thousands, the petitions came,