The Grand Scribe's Records, Volume XI

By Ssu-ma Ch'ien

Part of the extraordinary multi-volume portrait of ancient China written by a court official of the Han Dynasty.

The Grand Scribe’s Records, Volume XI presents the final nine memoirs of Ssu-ma Ch’ien’s history, continuing the series of collective biographies with seven more prosopographies on the ruthless officials, the wandering gallants, the artful favorites, those who discern auspicious days, turtle and stalk diviners, and those whose goods increase, punctuated by the final account of Emperor Wu’s wars against neighboring peoples and concluded with Ssu-ma Ch’ien’s postface containing a history of his family and himself.

Praise for the series:

“[An] indispensable addition to modern sinology.” —China Review International

“The English translation has been done meticulously.” —Choice

• Language: English
• Publisher: Open Road Integrated Media
• Release date: Jul 31, 2019
• ISBN: 9780253048462

Book preview

The Ruthless¹ Officials, Memoir 62

translated by Hans van Ess, Clara Luhn, and a group of students from LMU Munich

²

[122.3131] Confucius said: If you guide them with the reins of government and keep them in order with [corporal] punishments, the people will try to avoid [them] but will have no sense of shame. If you guide them with virtue and keep them in order by means of propriety, then [they] will have shame and be correct.³ Master Lao declared: Superior virtue does not act virtuously, and therefore has virtue. Inferior virtue does not let go of virtue, and therefore does not have virtue.⁴ Whenever laws and ordinances grew to splendor, robbers and thieves were plentiful.⁵ His Honor the Grand Scribe said: Trustworthy indeed are these sayings! Laws and ordinances are the tools to bring something in order but not the source for whether regulations of government⁶ are either pure or muddy.⁷ Formerly, the empire’s net [of the law] was once tightly woven, but the sprouts of treachery and deceit arose. At its climax, above and below concealed [information] from each other,⁸ up to the point where there was no relief. Meanwhile, the ordering efforts of the officials resembled those of pouring on boiling water to fight a fire:⁹ Unless one was martial and stalwart, stern and ruthless, how could one accomplish one’s task and keep being joyful? Those who talked about the Way and virtue were drowned in their duties. Therefore, it is said: In hearing litigations I am like anybody else. What is necessary is to cause that there are no litigations.¹⁰ Upon hearing of the Way the inferior man greatly laughs at it."¹¹ These are no hollow words. When the Han 漢 arose, they destroyed the ku 觚 vessel and made a round one,¹² they chopped off the carving and made it unadorned, and the net allowed fish that could swallow boats slip out. Yet the officials kept order generously,¹³ did not arrive at treacherous acts, and the black-headed people were cared for¹⁴ and in peace. Looking at it from this perspective, it [peace] depends on [tao and te] and not on this [the law].¹⁵

[3132] In the time of Empress Kao 高后 (r. 195–180 BC),¹⁶ among the ruthless officials there was only Hou Feng 侯封 who severely took action against the imperial house and attacked and humiliated the officials of merit. When the Lü 呂 clan was defeated,¹⁷ the household of Hou Feng was finally wiped out. At the time of [Emperor] Hsiao Ching 孝景 (The Filial and Luminous Emperor, r. 157–141 BC), Ch’ao Ts’o 鼂錯,¹⁸ being overly severe,¹⁹ also used some skills in order to support his native disposition.²⁰ But [the leaders of] the Revolt of the Seven Kingdoms (154 BC) took their anger out at [Ch’ao] Ts’o. [Ch’ao] Ts’o because of this finally was slain. After him, there were the likes of Chih Tu 郅都 and Ning Ch’eng 寧成.

Chih Tu

Chih Tu was a native of Yang 楊[County].²¹ He served Emperor Hsiao Wen 孝文 (the Filial and Cultured Emperor, r. 180–157 BC) as a gentleman. In the time of [Emperor] Hsiao Ching, [Chih] Tu became Commander of the Palace Attendants. He ventured to admonish straightforwardly and to censure high ministers openly at court. One time he was in the entourage to an outing to the Shang-lin Park. When [the imperial consort] Madam Chia 賈姬²² went to the privy, suddenly a wild boar entered the privy. The Sovereign signaled to [Chih] Tu with a glance, [but Chih] Tu did not act. The Sovereign was about to himself grasp a weapon and go to Madam Chia’s aid, when [Chih] Tu flung himself on the ground before the Sovereign and spoke: If you lose one imperial consort, another imperial consort will be presented [in the palace]. Could what the empire lacks really be the likes of Madam Chia? Even if Your Majesty thinks lightly of himself, what about the ancestral temple and the Empress Dowager? The Sovereign turned back, and the boar left also. When the Empress Dowager²³ heard about this, she bestowed a hundred chin of gold²⁴ upon [Chih] Tu and held Chih Tu in high esteem because of this [incident].²⁵

[3133]The members of the Hsien 瞯 clan in Chi-nan 濟南[Commandery]²⁶ numbered over three hundred persons.²⁷ They were influential and crafty. Only when none of the [officials with a salary of] two thousand shih was able to control them, Emperor Ching appointed [Chih] Tu Grand Administrator of Chi-nan. Upon arriving, he wiped out the families of the instigators of evil in the Hsien clan. All the rest were shaking at the knees. After holding office for more than a year, property lost in the commandery would not be taken up by others.²⁸ The administrators of over ten neighboring commanderies were in awe of Chih Tu as if he was one of the highest ministers.²⁹

[Chih] Tu was courageous as a man, had vigor and strength, was public-minded and honest, and did not send private letters³⁰. There were no welcome favors³¹ he accepted, no supplicants he listened to. He regularly referred to himself, saying: I already turned my back on my parents and became an official. I myself should firmly hold my position and be [prepared to] die for the standards of conduct on my post. To the end I am not going to care about my wife and my children anymore.

Chih Tu was promoted to be Commandant of the Capital. The Chancellor, the Marquis of T’iao 條 [i.e., Chou Ya-fu 周亞夫],³² was extremely honored and haughty, but [Chih] Tu greeted him by [only] politely bowing.³³ At this time the people were simple,³⁴ feared to commit crimes, and valued their lives. [Chih] Tu, however, was the only [official] who put being stern and ruthless first.³⁵ When it came to apply the law, he did not spare the honored and the imperial relatives. The full marquises and the imperial house looked at [Chih] Tu with sideway glances³⁶ [and] called [him] The Grey Hawk.³⁷

The King of Lin-chiang 臨江 [i.e., Liu Jung 劉榮] was summoned to make a call at the office of the Commandant of the Capital [i.e., Chih Tu] to respond to the list [of charges].³⁸ The King of Lin-chiang desired to receive knife and brush to write a letter of apology to the Sovereign, but [Chih] Tu prohibited the officials and did not grant it.³⁹ The Marquis of Wei-chi 魏其 [i.e., Tou Ying 竇嬰] sent someone to find a chance to give [them] to the King of Lin-chiang.⁴⁰ After the King of Lin-chiang had written the letter of apology to the Sovereign, he took the opportunity to commit suicide.⁴¹ Empress Dowager Tou 竇 heard about this, became angry, and attacked [Chih] Tu relying on the law pertaining to [preventing public] jeopardy.⁴² [Chih] Tu was removed [from the position of Commandant of the Capital] and returned to his home. Only then did Emperor Hsiao Ching send an envoy bearing a caduceus and appointed [Chih] Tu as Grand Administrator of Yen-men 鴈門 [Commandery],⁴³ furthermore [allowing him] to go on a direct way to his posting [without having to attend court] and enabling him to conduct business according to what was expedient and appropriate. The Hsiung-nu 匈奴 had all along heard of Chih Tu’s standard of conduct.⁴⁴ When he was stationed at the border, they therefore led their troops away; up until Chih Tu died, they did not come close to Yen-men.⁴⁵ The Hsiung-nu went so far as to make a puppet resembling Chih Tu. When they ordered their riders to gallop and shoot [at it], no one could hit it, so intimidated were they at the sight of it. The Hsiung-nu [*3134*] were distressed by this. Only then did Empress Dowager Tou deal the final blow to [Chih] Tu with the laws of the Han.⁴⁶ Emperor Ching said: [Chih] Tu is a loyal subject, [and] desired to set him free. Empress Dowager Tou said: Was the King of Lin-chiang not a loyal subject at all then? Upon this Chih Tu was finally decapitated.

Ning Ch’eng

Ning Ch’eng was a native of Jang 穰 [County].⁴⁷ As a Gentleman and Internuncio he served Emperor Ching. He was fond of valor. When he was a petty official in the service of someone else, he invariably treated his superiors with contempt. When he was the superior of others, he controlled his subordinates as tightly as if he had bound together wet firewood.⁴⁸ In a cunning and murderous way he made use of his authority. Gradually he was promoted until he became Chief Commandant of Chi-nan while Chih Tu was Administrator [there]. From the beginning, the numerous Chief Commandants who preceded [Chih Tu] had all entered the office on foot; they had turned to the minor officers in order to [be allowed to] visit⁴⁹ the Administrator as if they were [only] County Prefects. Such was their fear of Chih Tu. When [Ning] Ch’eng went there [to start his position as Chief Commandant], he straightforwardly treated [Chih] Tu with contempt so that he emerged above him. [Chih] Tu had heard about his [i.e., Ning Ch’eng’s] reputation all along. Hence, he treated [Ning Ch’eng] well and created an amicable relationship with him. After a long time Chih Tu died. Afterwards the members of the imperial house near Ch’ang-an 長安 often viciously violated the law. Thereupon the Sovereign summoned Ning Ch’eng to become Commandant of the Capital. In his governance he imitated Chih Tu, [but] his integrity was not like [that of Chih Tu]. Thus, every single one of the grandees of the imperial house was anxious and afraid.

[3135] When Emperor Wu 武帝 (r. 141–87 BC) ascended the throne, [Ning Ch’eng] was transferred to become Clerk of the Capital. Since the maternal relatives [of the emperor] often defamed [Ning] Ch’eng for his shortcomings, he was punished according to his [alleged] offenses by having [his head] shaved and having to wear an iron collar fastened around his neck.⁵⁰ At this time when [one of] the Nine Ministers [had committed a] capital crime, he simply had to die [by committing suicide].⁵¹ Few received a [corporal] punishment. But when [Ning] Ch’eng was sentenced to the maximum penalty, he himself thought he would not again be received [by the Sovereign]. Thus he freed himself [from the collar around his neck], forged an engraved travel certificate, got through the Pass, and returned to his home.⁵² He declared: "A functionary who does not reach [the position of an official with a salary of] two thousand shih, a businessman who does not reach [property amounting to] ten million [cash], how could they be compared to [true] human beings?"⁵³ Only then did he take out a loan, bought embanked fields of more than a thousand ch’ing 頃,⁵⁴ employed several thousand families of poor background, and made them work [there]. It so happened that some years later there was an amnesty. Having created property of several thousand in gold, [Ning Ch’eng] used it to act at his will⁵⁵ and took advantage of the officers’ strengths and weaknesses. When going out, he was escorted by several dozen horsemen. In employing the common people his authority was greater than the Commandery Administrator’s [i.e., Chih Tu’s].

Chou-yang Yu

Chou-yang Yu’s 周陽由 father Chao Chien 趙兼 was made Marquis of Chou-yang 周陽 because he was the maternal uncle of the King of Huai-nan 淮南 [i.e. Liu Ch’ang 蓥長] and thus he accordingly adopted the clan name Chou-yang.⁵⁶ As a member of the imperial family, [Chou-yang] Yu on behalf of the jen-privilege was appointed as Gentleman and served [Emperor] Hsiao Wen and Emperor Ching.⁵⁷ At the time of Emperor Ching, [Chou-yang] Yu became Commandery Administrator. When Emperor Wu ascended the throne (141 BC), the officials in their governing upheld obedience and diligence in an extreme way. [Chou-yang] Yu however, holding office among [officials with a salary of] two thousand shih, was extremely cruel and ruthless, arrogant and unrestrained. For those he cherished, he twisted the law to keep them alive. For those he detested, he bent the law to wipe them out by execution. For the commanderies he held office in, he was sure to wipe out the influential. In the position of Administrator, he looked upon Chief Commandants as Prefects. In the position of Chief Commandant, he invariably treated the Grand Administrator with contempt, and snatched [the power to] administrate from him. He was just as obstinate as Chi An 汲黯, and his knowledge of jurisprudence was even more terrifying than Ssu-ma An’s 司馬安.⁵⁸ When they all held a rank of [an official with a salary of] two thousand shih, [Ssu-ma An and Chi An] did not dare to share a mat or a crossbar in the same carriage with him.⁵⁹

[3136] Later, when [Chou-yang] Yu became Chief Commandant of Ho-tung 河東[Commandery],⁶⁰ he contended for power with his Administrator Master Sheng-t’u 勝屠 and they reported each other’s crimes.⁶¹ When Master Sheng-t’u was about to be punished according to his crimes, his righteousness did not allow him to receive a [corporal] punishment and so he committed suicide [instead]. [Chou-yang] Yu on the other hand was executed and his corpse exposed in the marketplace.

From the time of Ning Ch’eng and Chou-yang Yu on, the number of affairs multiplied and the people [grew] crafty [in using] the law.⁶² In general, the practice of the officials often resembled that of [Ning] Ch’eng and [Chou-yang] Yu in style.

Chao Yü

Chao Yü 趙禹 was a native of T’ai 漦[County].⁶³ He filled a vacancy as an accessory clerk among the officials in the capital.⁶⁴ Due to his integrity he became foreman clerk and served the Grand Commandant [Chou] Ya-fu.⁶⁵ When [Chou] Ya-fu became Chancellor (150 BC), [Chao] Yü became a Clerk to the Chancellor. All in the office praised his integrity and fairness, but [Chou] Ya-fu did not assign him [to higher office] and said: I am extremely aware that [Chao] Yü cannot be surpassed.⁶⁶ But he is [too] severe in applying the law and thus may not hold higher office.⁶⁷ During the reign of the current Sovereign, [Chao] Yü earned credit as a knife-and-brush official and was gradually promoted to become an Imperial Scribe. The Sovereign considered him capable,⁶⁸ and thus he came into the position of Grandee of the Innermost Circle.⁶⁹ With Chang T’ang 張湯 he discussed and set all statutes and ordinances⁷⁰ and created [the law of] to see and make known⁷¹ and the law that officials had to take turns monitoring each other. The increasing severity in applying the law may well have started with this.⁷²

Chang T’ang

[3137] Chang T’ang was a native of Tu 杜 [County].⁷³ His father was an Assistant in Ch’ang-an, and when he went out, [Chang] T’ang as a child guarded the house. [One day, his father] returned and a rat had stolen some meat. His father became angry and beat [Chang] T’ang with a stick. [Chang] T’ang dug a hole to catch the thieving rat and the remaining meat, brought a charge against the rat, and tortured and tried it.⁷⁴ He transmitted a transcript of its confession,⁷⁵ interrogated [the rat] and summarized the facts,⁷⁶ passed a judgement, and reported to the authorities.⁷⁷ At the same time he took the rat and the meat and, to complete the lawsuit, quartered [the rat] in front of the steps of the main hall. When his father saw this and observed that his knowledge of jurisprudence and [juridical] diction was like a long-time judicial clerk’s, he was greatly surprised and finally let him record lawsuits.⁷⁸ After his father died, [Chang] T’ang became an official in Ch’ang-an and stayed there for a long time.⁷⁹

[3138] When the Marquis of Chou-yang [i.e., T’ien Sheng 田勝]⁸⁰ first was among the various ministers,⁸¹ he once was detained in Ch’ang-an and [Chang] T’ang bent over backwards for him. When he was let out [of custody] and became a Marquis, he greatly befriended [Chang] T’ang and everywhere showed [Chang] T’ang around among the nobility. [Chang] T’ang was on call for the Clerk of the Capital and thus became an assistant of Ning Ch’eng, who considered Chang T’ang unsurpassable. As he spoke for him in the highest offices, he was transferred to be Commandant of Maoling 茂陵 and was put in charge of what was inside the square.⁸²

When the Marquis of Wu-an 武安 [i.e., T’ien Fen 田虫分]⁸³ became Chancellor (135 BC), he summoned Chang T’ang to be a scribe and several times recommended him to the Son of Heaven. [Chang T’ang] filled a vacancy among the Imperial Scribes and was employed to investigate affairs. When he tried the lawsuit of poisonous sorcery of Empress Ch’en 陳,⁸⁴ he thoroughly examined the members of her faction. Thereupon the Sovereign considered him to be capable and gradually promoted him until he reached [the position of] Grandee of the Innermost Circle. Together with Chao Yü he set all statutes and ordinances⁸⁵ and made it his business to tighten the law and to restrain the officials who attended to their duties. Before long, Chao Yü was promoted to be Commandant of the Capital and then transferred to be Privy Treasurer, while Chang T’ang became Commandant of Justice. The two men maintained amicable relations and [Chang T’ang] served Chao Yü like an elder brother. Chao Yü as a man had integrity but was haughty. Since he had been a [low-ranking] official, he never had any household-retainers in his lodgings. When excellencies and ministers went to visit [Chao] Yü, [Chao] Yü would never convey his apologies and made it his business to keep clear from requests by close friends, guests, and retainers. He stood alone and acted according to one and the same idea and nothing more. When [Chao Yü] looked at written law, he accepted [it] at once and never reviewed cases or sought for hidden misdeeds of his subordinates. [Chang] T’ang [on the other hand] as a man often resorted to trickery and toyed with his knowledge to control others. When in the beginning he was a petty official, [in matters of] profit and loss⁸⁶ he made secret contacts with the likes of Ch’ang-an’s wealthy traders T’ien Chia 田甲 and Yü Weng-shu 魚翁叔.⁸⁷ When he attained the rank of one of the Nine Ministers, [Chang T’ang] received the empire’s famous notables [as guests]. Even though in his heart he himself did not conform to them, he outwardly pretended to admire them.

[3139] At this time, the Sovereign oriented himself towards textual learning⁸⁸ and whenever [Chang] T’ang appeared at court to submit a memorial on some affair, he would speak of the state’s resources. Only then did he request one of the Erudites’ disciples who mastered the Book of Documents and the Spring and Autumn Annals⁸⁹ to fill a vacancy among the scribes of the Commandant of Justice and to harmonize controversial laws. When he submitted a memorial requesting [the Sovereign’s] decision on a doubtful affair, he would invariably analyze its sources for the Sovereign first. What the Sovereign deemed right, he would receive and then, in order to spread the perspicuity of the ruler, record the [Sovereign’s] decisions as decisive laws, norms and ordinances by the Commandant of Justice.⁹⁰ If on submitting a memorial on an affair he was criticized, [Chang] T’ang would in reaction apologize and, with regard to what was convenient to the Sovereign’s opinion, would invariably refer to someone worthy among his directors, inspectors, and division heads⁹¹ and say: He had actually argued with me in a similar way as the Sovereign has reproached me. I did not make use of it and my stupidity has let it come to this. He was invariably granted pardon for his offenses. From time to time,⁹² if he submitted a memorial on an affair and the Sovereign approved of it, he would say: It was not me who came up with the idea to submit a memorial on this, but Director, Inspector, or Division head So-and-so did it. In this way, when he wished to recommend an official, he would praise a man’s good points and conceal a man’s transgressions. In [the cases] he tried, if the Sovereign’s opinion was that a punishment was to be desired, he gave [the case] to those inspectors and clerks who were profoundly baneful. If the Sovereign’s opinion was that an acquittal was to be desired, he gave [the case] to those inspectors and clerks who were superficial and impartial. If the person he tried was a mighty one, [Chang T’ang] would invariably toy with his knowledge of jurisprudence and denounce him craftily; if it was someone from a lowly household or someone weak and feeble, [Chang T’ang] would at [an appropriate] time discuss it orally, [so that] although the [legal] text said that the law should be applied, the Sovereign decided to examine it.⁹³ Upon this, the people [Chang] T’ang discussed [with the Sovereign] were often set free. That [Chang] T’ang reached [the position of] a high official was due to his cultured private conduct. He maintained relationships with guests and retainers and entertained them with food and drink. The care he took of [his] old friends’ sons and younger brothers who served as officials, and their impoverished brothers, was even more generous. When he paid visits to the various excellencies, he did not shy away from heat or cold. Therefore, although [Chang] T’ang was severe in applying the law, malicious in spirit, and not focused on impartiality, he still obtained such reputation and regard. Yet [the fact] that often overly severe officials were employed as claws and teeth was due to [the fact that Chang T’ang relied upon] the men of textual learning.⁹⁴ Chancellor [Kung-sun 公孫] Hung 弘 praised him several times.⁹⁵ When he tried the lawsuits concerning the rebellion of Huai-nan, Heng-shan 衡山 and Chiang-tu 江都,⁹⁶ he went down to the roots in every case. As for Yen Chu 嚴助 and Wu Pei 伍被, the Sovereign desired to set them free.⁹⁷ [Chang] T’ang contested: Wu Pei had originally drawn up the plans for rebellion and only [the fact] that [Yen] Chu was close and favored and was going in and out of the forbidden quarters as your claw and tooth servant did let him make secret contacts with the various lords in this manner. If you do not punish them, it cannot be redressed later. Upon this, the Sovereign approved of passing a judgement on them. There were many cases like this, in which he [i.e, Chang T’ang] by trying lawsuits exerted pressure on high servants of the state and drew personal profit from it. Upon this, [Chang] T’ang was employed in ever more honorable positions and promoted to be Grandee Secretary.⁹⁸

[3140] It happened that the Hun-yeh 渾邪 King and others surrendered.⁹⁹ The Han raised troops on a grand scale to attack the Hsiung-nu, [the area] East of the Mount experienced flood and drought, impoverished people drifted about, and everyone looked to the government for help, but the government was empty and depleted. Upon this, [Chang T’ang] received the Sovereign’s hints and asked to mint silver [coins] and five-chu cash, to take control of the empire’s salt and iron and to exert pressure on the wealthy traders and powerful merchants. He issued the ordinance On the reporting of cash-strings in order to uproot the influential and strong families who had annexed lands and he toyed with his knowledge of jurisprudence to denounce them craftily in order to be in accordance with the law.¹⁰⁰ Each time [Chang] T’ang appeared at court and submitted a memorial on an affair to discuss the state’s resources, the day grew late and the Son of Heaven forgot to eat. Chancellors accepted to just fill their positions and all matters of the empire were decided by [Chang] T’ang.¹⁰¹ The people were insecure in their living conditions and in a state of turmoil. Whatever [measures] the government took, it had not yet been able to harvest the profits, when treacherous officials relied on [these measures] to appropriate and steal and, upon this, [Chang T’ang] painstakingly ensnared them by accusing [them] of crimes. Then from the excellencies and ministers [*3141*] down to the common people everyone hinted at [Chang] T’ang.¹⁰² Once [Chang] T’ang had been ill and the Son of Heaven went so far as to visit the patient in person. Such was his prominence and honor.

When the Hsiung-nu came to request a marital alliance,¹⁰³ the assembled ministers discussed [this] in front of the Sovereign. The Erudite Ti Shan 狄山¹⁰⁴ said: A marital alliance would be of advantage. [When] the Sovereign asked about its advantages, [Ti] Shan said: Troops are a baleful instrument.¹⁰⁵ We have never repeatedly set them in motion in a lighthearted manner. When Emperor Kao 高 (the Exalted Emperor, r. 202–195 BC) wished to attack the Hsiung-nu, only when he found himself in dire straits at P’ing-ch’eng 平城, did he finally forge a marital alliance.¹⁰⁶ At the time of [Emperor] Hsiao Hui 孝惠 (the Filial and Kind Emperor, r. 194–188 BC) and Empress Kao, the empire was happy and in peace.¹⁰⁷ When Emperor Hsiao Wen wished to concern himself with the Hsiung-nu, the northern border was thrown into turmoil and suffered from warfare.¹⁰⁸ At the time of [Emperor] Hsiao Ching, [when] the seven states [under] Wu 吳 and Ch’u 楚 revolted, Emperor [Hsiao] Ching went back and forth between the two palaces and his heart shivered for several months.¹⁰⁹ After Wu and Ch’u had been crushed, Emperor [Hsiao] Ching to the end did not speak of warfare anymore [and] the empire was wealthy and prosperous. Now, ever since Your Majesty has raised troops and struck at the Hsiung-nu, the Central States have thus been emptied and depleted and the people at the border are in dire straits and greatly impoverished. Looking at it from this [perspective], it is not as good as a marital alliance. When the Sovereign questioned [Chang] T’ang, [Chang] T’ang said: This is a stupid classical scholar, he understands nothing. Ti Shan said: Your servant may indeed be foolishly loyal, but as for Grandee Secretary [Chang] T’ang, he, to be sure, is feigning loyalty. When someone as [Chang] T’ang, in trying [the case against] Huai-nan and Chiang-tu, using tightened laws painstakingly denounces the various lords,¹¹⁰ he separates and alienates bones and flesh [from each other]¹¹¹ and causes the protective vassals [of the empire] to feel unsafe themselves. [The one thing] your servant knows for sure is that [Chang] T’ang is feigning loyalty.¹¹² Thereupon the Sovereign flushed and said: If I let [you,] Sir, hold office in a single commandery, would you be able to not let caitiffs enter and plunder? He answered: I would not. [The Sovereign] said: Hold office in a single county? He answered: I would not. [The Sovereign] again said: Hold office in the place of a single checkpoint?¹¹³ [Ti] Shan reckoned himself that he was at the end of his wits and that he would even be handed over to the minor officials and said: I would. Thereupon the Sovereign dispatched [Ti] Shan to mount the place of a checkpoint. After [a little] over a month, the Hsiung-nu cut off [Ti] Shan’s head and took it with them. From this moment on, the assembled ministers trembled with