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The War in Southern Africa: An Analysis of Angolan National Strategy 1975–1991
The War in Southern Africa: An Analysis of Angolan National Strategy 1975–1991
The War in Southern Africa: An Analysis of Angolan National Strategy 1975–1991
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The War in Southern Africa: An Analysis of Angolan National Strategy 1975–1991

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This book on the national strategy of Angola targets several objectives. First, to attest that the newly independent Angolan state also formulated a national strategy in the light of its political and philosophical vision. The Angolan state, during the period under consideration, had its own structured vision, which prevented it from going adrift and playing second fiddle within the context of political and military confrontation in Southern Africa. Second, to demonstrate that the Angolan state structured its own strategic thought to tackle the regional armed confrontation and the different internal and external challenges.
LanguageEnglish
Release dateJan 13, 2021
ISBN9781665584272
The War in Southern Africa: An Analysis of Angolan National Strategy 1975–1991
Author

Miguel Junior

Miguel Junior is a general officer of the Angolan Armed Forces and military historian. He is author of several works and has published articles on defense, security and history.

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    The War in Southern Africa - Miguel Junior

    © 2021 MIGUEL JUNIOR. All rights reserved.

    No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted by any means without the written permission of the author.

    Published by AuthorHouse 01/13/2021

    ISBN: 978-1-6655-8428-9 (sc)

    ISBN: 978-1-6655-8429-6 (hc)

    ISBN: 978-1-6655-8427-2 (e)

    Any people depicted in stock imagery provided by Getty Images are models,

    and such images are being used for illustrative purposes only.

    Certain stock imagery © Getty Images.

    Because of the dynamic nature of the Internet, any web addresses or links contained in this book may have changed since publication and may no longer be valid. The views expressed in this work are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the publisher, and the publisher hereby disclaims any responsibility for them.

    In memoriam

    Miguel

    And to my children, Gena, Nhaheke, Nicolete, Yara, Sheila, Celso, and

    Miguelzinho, and my grandchildren, Erick, Lukeny, Swaylla, and Jason.

    CONTENTS

    Preface

    Introduction

    Part I Struggle for Power and State Affirmation (1961–1976)

    1 Conquest of Political Power

    2 Programs of the Movements and Struggle For Power

    3 Political Transition Period

    4 Dynamics of Political Transition

    5 Defence and Consolidation of the State

    6 Struggle for State Recognition

    7 Defence of National Sovereignty

    8 Challenges of the People’s Democratic State

    9 Prevision of Armed Confrontation

    10 Armed Confrontation in Southern Africa

    Part II Angolan National Strategy (1977)

    11 National Strategy Formulation

    12 Structuring Points

    13 Strategic Doctrines

    14 Military Alliances

    15 Initial Implementation of the Strategy

    16 Strategic Manoeuvres

    17 Responses to the Dynamics of Politics and War

    18 Diplomatic and Military Actions on the March

    19 New Political and Military Facts

    20 Impasse and Diplomatic Persistence

    21 Subsequent Strategy Implementation

    22 Contrary Manoeuvres and International Reactions

    23 Adjustment of Military Strategy to Military Challenges

    24 Rising of the Escalation and Strategic Changes

    Part III Strategic Change (1990–1991)

    25 National Strategy and End of Conflict

    26 In Search of the Internal Solution

    27 Materialization of the Internal Peace Plan

    28 Political and Constitutional Transformations

    Part IV Final Strategic Remarks

    29 Angolan Leaders and National Strategy

    30 Strategic Conduct Angolan State

    Conclusions

    Afterword

    Bibliography

    PREFACE

    The national liberation struggle in Angola ended in 1974 through the Carnation Revolution. The outbreak of this revolution prepared the ground for the transfer of power to the Angolan people. However, the power transfer process faced numerous challenges due to misunderstanding among Angola’s liberation movements (MPLA, FNLA, and UNITA) and the interests of foreign actors. This is why the country plunged into a war, with the involvement of external forces. Only that the MPLA won the war with the assistance of its allies and declared the independence of Angola on 11 November 1975. The birth of the People’s Republic of Angola was an irrefutable fact, and everything indicated that the country would have peace and stability. However, the reality was different because the declaration of independence was made outside the purview of the Alvor Agreement (1975). This situation set the framework for the emergence of a national crisis, despite the legitimacy of the constituted power.

    In the face of this reality, Zaire and South Africa, which had earlier been defeated (1975–1976) became rearguards of FNLA and UNITA, as these organizations decided to manage the crisis through violent means. Apart from supporting the armed insurgencies of Angola, these states also brought their strategies to bear against the People’s Republic of Angola. The Angolan state, in turn, declared its support to the Southern African liberation movements (ANC, ZANU, ZAPU, and SWAPO) and expressed its total willingness to help to eradicate the last bastion of colonialism and apartheid. With this act, the Angolan state decided to support the armed uprisings of these liberation movements.

    These two realities set the pace for the armed and open confrontation between Angola and South Africa, as well as between Angola and Zaire. The state of belligerence between Angola and these States was established under these circumstances. Faced with the strategies of South Africa and Zaire, the Angolan state had to craft its strategy. The Angolan national strategy took shape in December 1977, during the 1st Ordinary Congress of the MPLA. It was with this national strategy that the Angolan State faced and waged the 1975–1991 war, as well as addressed political, economic, diplomatic, defence, and safety issues. It was thus possible to maintain the national integrity and sovereignty of the Angolan state and contribute effectively to the resolution of domestic and regional crises.

    However, I seize this opportunity to clarify other aspects of this study. My reflections on the Angolan strategic thought began in 2002. In 2003, I published The Formation and Development of the Angolan Armed Forces. In this book, I delved into the field of national security and ended with a critical analysis of the strategic aspects of the life of the Angolan state. In 2006, when I was doing my master’s degree in Military History of Portugal, my reflection was enhanced because, as part of the curriculum of this degree, there was a course on the History of Strategic Thinking (From the Strategies of Origin to the History of National Strategic Thought), under the supervision of Professor Doctor João Jorge Botelho Vieira Borges, general of the Armed Forces of Portugal.

    As part of the rules for the master’s degree program, we had to present an individual work at the end of our course. I presented a paper titled, Angolan Strategic Thought (From Independence to Our Days). In 2009, I summarized this work and published an opinion article in Defender, the magazine of the Angolan Ministry of National Defence. I later spoke on the same topic during the cycle of Conferences for Generals and Admirals of the General Headquarters of the Angolan Armed Forces.

    From 2018, I decided to study further on Angolan strategic thought, after having published, in 2017, War in Southern Africa: An Analysis of South Africa’s Total National Strategy (1948–1994). In 2019, I led a seminar on Angolan Strategic Thought at the Angolan Science and Technology Institute (ACTE) as part of the postgraduate studies in Intelligence and Security Studies.

    This is the path trodden by the author before the writing of this book. Thus, this book has only four parts. We start by narrating the aspects of the political struggle along the way to the achievement of power. Next, we describe the circumstances surrounding the birth of the state and its challenges during the initial years of its existence up to the time of the formulation of a national strategy. Finally, we explain the aspects related to the implementation of the strategy, point out the lessons that can be derived, and make critical remarks from a strategic perspective.

    These are the elements that make up this modest reflection, which in no way exhausts the analysis and debate on Angolan national strategy from 1975 to 1991. But this is the first and only systematized approach to the subject matter from the viewpoint of strategic thought.

    I seize this opportunity to express my gratitude for all support extended to me, particularly by the Ministry of National Defence, the General Headquarters of the Angolan Armed Forces, the Higher Institute of Technical and Military Studies (ISTM), the Academy of Science and Technology of Angola (ACTE), 1º de Agosto Sports Club, and editor. Finally, I thank my friends, brothers, children, and grandchildren for their support.

    INTRODUCTION

    Now that there is peace in Angola, it is meet to study Angolan national strategy from 1975 to 1991, as that period unveils the genesis of Angolan strategic thought. Angolan national strategic thought is intrinsic to the nature of the state and is an instrument of the life of the state; thus, it is essential to study the national strategy of that period of national life. It is advisable to study this national strategy devoid of political and ideological considerations. Angolan national strategy should be studied mainly from the viewpoint of national policy and a broad perspective of national defence and security.

    It’s important to analyse Angolan national strategy for the formulation of the history of national strategic thought. It’s useful to study this national strategy, as its origins are embedded in regional confrontation and national crisis. It’s advantageous to examine this Angolan national strategy, and employing it also identifies the strategies of regional and international actors. The Angolan state had to contend with the strategies of the Cold War-era world powers, as well as engage political and military alliances to attain the goals and objectives of its national strategy. There is, therefore, the need to study and disseminate the knowledge derived from such national strategy and to retain its strengths.

    This book on the national strategy of Angola targets several objectives—first, to attest that the newly independent Angolan state also formulated a national strategy in the light of its political and philosophical vision. The Angolan state, during the period under consideration, had its structured vision, which prevented it from going adrift and playing second fiddle within the context of political and military confrontation in Southern Africa. The second objective is to demonstrate that the Angolan state structured its strategic thought to tackle the regional armed confrontation and the different internal and external challenges. The third is to explain that the Angolan national strategy was operationalized more dynamically and proactively within the context of political and armed confrontation. The fourth is to elucidate that Angolan national strategy hinged on all aspects, and the military strategy did not overshadow other components of the national strategy. The fifth, to clarify that the state did not materialize the Angolan national strategy directly; it established, to this end, programs and plans to better address national and regional challenges. The sixth, to describe how the Angolan state manoeuvred in the domestic and foreign turfs to achieve its objectives and its political, economic, diplomatic, and defence and security goals. And the seventh, to factually illustrate how the Angolan state made political and constitutional changes, as well as concessions to uphold it, to preserve its national sovereignty. Obviously, the study of Angolan national strategy will identify the political, economic, social, and other aspects of the period of analysis.

    There are numerous realities and facts in the devising and implementation of the Angolan national strategy that are worth knowing and appreciating. Indeed, this approach to Angolan national strategy is indispensable because it clarifies the fact that the Angolan state had its independent discourse and was able to link it to the speeches of the members of its political and military alliance. This approach assumes additional value because, in The War in Southern Africa: An Analysis of Angolan National Strategy, 1975–1991, the Angolan national strategy and the strategic positions of the United States of America, the Soviet Union, Cuba, South Africa, and the Republic of Zaire are articulated. We point out facts, points of view, and official information on each of these states and their leaders.

    The national strategy under analysis results from the political thought of Angolan political leadership to deal with foreign political actors and their plans, as well as aspects deriving from the national crisis.

    PART I

    STRUGGLE FOR POWER AND STATE AFFIRMATION (1961–1976)

    1

    CONQUEST OF POLITICAL POWER

    In this part, we address issues that occurred in the Angolan space during the second half of the twentieth century, particularly from 1961 to 1976. This aims to reflect the political and military facts from the emancipation struggle to the achievement of political power, as well as describe the processes related to the emergence and affirmation of the Angolan state. This chapter forms the basis for the explanation and justification of aspects related to the formulation of Angolan national strategy.

    Angolan nationalists had planned to defeat Portuguese colonialism and achieve independence, but the Portuguese colonial power was adamant and unwilling to grant negotiated independence. This recalcitrance of the colonial authorities, coupled with their practices, fuelled the resolve of the Angolan nationalists to engage in armed struggle. They made recourse to this option due to a lack of negotiation and dialogue between the colonizer and the colonized. Armed struggle was one of the tools in the political books of people’s liberation struggles. Its value had already been attested to in some liberation struggles in Asia and Africa.

    It was in this environment of uncertainties on the political future of the Angola people that the liberation struggle commenced with armed actions of 4 February and 15 March 1961. The central actors of the two armed actions were the People’s Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) and the National Front for the Liberation of Angola (FNLA). Over time, in 1966, the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) emerged on the political scene and carried out more armed activities. The liberation struggle took shape and proceeded full swing, despite the differences between the liberation movements. In this respect, the major focus of the main armed activities was the defeat of Portuguese colonization to declare independence. This was the political target and dream of the nationalists.

    This was the objective of the political and military points of view. Considering this objective from the perspective of the liberation struggles, it was a strategic goal. The strategic goal was designed in the light of revolutionary war theory. This theory establishes the principle of attainment of political power at the end of the revolutionary wars.

    2

    PROGRAMS OF THE MOVEMENTS AND STRUGGLE FOR POWER

    To this end, each national liberation movement produced a political program spelling out its objectives for before and after attaining power. An examination of the content of the political program of each movement to identify the model of society each planned to establish in Angola revealed the following facts.

    The People’s Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) drafted its Program and Statutes in 1960. These doctrinal documents of the movement comprised two parts—I. Minor Program and II. Major Program. The Minor Program outlined three lines of action, summed up as termination of colonial domination, defence of the interests of smallholder farmers and workers, and the establishment of an alliance of world progressive forces, in search of support for the liberation of the Angolan people. The Major Program contained ideas on immediate and full independence; unity of the nation; democratic regime; economic reconstruction and production development; agricultural reform; social justice and progress policy; development of training, culture, and education; national defence; independent and peaceful foreign policy; and African unity.

    In analysis of these points, focusing on the point on democratic regime, what immediately stands out is the MPLA planned a plural society for Angola, soon after the proclamation of independence. From the independent and peaceful foreign policy standpoint, the MPLA was desirous of keeping good neighbourhood relations with the nations that bordered Angola. From the standpoint of African unity, the MPLA touted solidarity with the African people in their quest for total independence.

    In terms of the National Liberation Front of Angola (FNLA), the National Liberation Front Platform only became public in 1966. It contained the general guidelines for the operations of the group and its Major Program. This program contained points on agricultural reform and agricultural development, industrial and financial sector, political and social problems, culture, and foreign policy. Regarding political and social problems, the intention to found a sovereign and secular republic based on a democratic and social constitution was expressed. The main idea was to establish a republic founded on socialist ideals, so much so that the introduction of the National Liberation Front Platform underscored socialism and planning [as] cardinal options for tomorrow. In the area of foreign policy, the focus was on total solidarity with all peoples that [were up in arms] against colonialism, especially against colonialism perpetrated by the South African Union, Rhodesia and the Portugal.¹

    Regarding the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA), this organization drafted the Party Statutes in March 1966 and designed its document as the Project of Conspirators of the 13 March Movement. UNITA spelled out five points in this document—total freedom and independence for men and women and the motherland; democracy secured by the people’s vote through various political parties; sovereignty expressed and impregnated on the will of the people to have friends and allies always seeking to safeguard Angolan interests; equality for all Angolans in the land of their birth; and in the quest for economic solutions, [to] prioritize the countryside in benefit of the city"². Going into the core of the point on "democracy secured by

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