Is This the End of the Liberal International Order?: The Munk Debate on Geopolitics
By Niall Ferguson and Fareed Zakaria
()
About this ebook
The twentieth semi-annual Munk Debate pits Niall Ferguson against Fareed Zakaria to debate the end of the liberal international order.
Since the end of World War II, global affairs have been shaped by the increasing free movement of people and goods, international rules setting, and a broad appreciation of the mutual benefits of a more interdependent world. Together these factors defined the liberal international order and sustained an era of rising global prosperity and declining international conflict. But now, for the first time in a generation, the pillars of liberal internationalism are being shaken to their core by the reassertion of national borders, national interests, and nationalist politics across the globe. Can liberal internationalism survive these challenges and remain the defining rules-based system of the future? Or, are we witnessing the beginning of the end of the liberal international order?
The twentieth semi-annual Munk Debate, held on April 28th, 2017, pits prominent historian Niall Ferguson against CNN’s Fareed Zakaria to debate the future of liberal internationalism.
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Is This the End of the Liberal International Order? - Niall Ferguson
Contents
Is This the End of the Liberal International Order?
Pre-Debate Interviews with Rudyard Griffiths
Acknowledgements
About the Debaters
About the Editor
About the Munk Debates
About the Interviews
Is This the End of the Liberal International Order?
Pro: Niall Ferguson
Con: Fareed Zakaria
April 28, 2017
Toronto, Ontario
IS THIS THE END OF THE LIBERAL INTERNATIONAL ORDER?
RUDYARD GRIFFITHS: My name is Rudyard Griffiths, and it’s my privilege to once again serve as your moderator. I want to start tonight’s proceedings by welcoming the North America–wide television audience tuning in to this debate right now on C-SPAN, across the continental United States, and on CPAC, from coast to coast to coast in Canada.
A warm hello also to our online audience watching this debate live, right now, on Facebook Live, our exclusive social media partner, and on Bloomberg.com, courtesy of Bloomberg Media. It’s great to have you as virtual participants in tonight’s proceedings. And hello to you, the over three thousand people who have filled Roy Thomson Hall to capacity for yet another Munk Debate. This is just great to see again.
This evening marks a milestone in this debate series. This is our twentieth semi-annual contest, and our ability, debate after debate, to bring you what we think are some of the brightest minds, the sharpest thinkers on the big global issues of our time, would not be possible without the generosity and the public-spiritedness of our hosts tonight. Ladies and gentlemen, an appreciation of Peter and Melanie Munk and the Aurea Foundation. Thank you both. Well done.
As I mentioned, this is a special occasion for us, our twentieth debate. So, for only the second time in the history of this series, we’re convening a one-on-one contest. Our topic is the key geopolitical question of the moment: Can the process of globalization, both economic and political, that has defined the international system since the end of World War II, survive an era of rising nationalism, protectionism, and populism?
To find out, let’s get our two debaters out here, centre stage, to square off on the resolution, Be it resolved: the liberal international order is over.
Ladies and gentlemen, please welcome your debater arguing for tonight’s motion — the renowned historian, filmmaker, and bestselling author, Niall Ferguson.
Niall’s opponent tonight, arguing against the motion, Be it resolved: the liberal international order is over,
is CNN anchor, celebrated author, and big geopolitical thinker Fareed Zakaria.
Gentlemen, thank you for being here. This is going to be an exciting debate, and I just want to run through a few, quick, pre-debate items with you. First, for those of you watching online, those of you in the audience, and Fareed and Niall, if you wish, there is a hashtag — #Munkdebate — so you can all be part of the conversation. Also, we’ve got a rolling poll going. You can analyze, comment, and judge our debaters’ performance throughout the debate at www.munkdebates.com/vote. And we’ve also got our trusty countdown clock, a key piece of the success of these debates. This clock is going to count down to zero for each of the different segments of the debate. And when you see it count down, join me in a round of applause. That will keep our debate on time and our debaters on their toes.
Now, a fun and critical data point. At the top of the evening, all of you here, the thousand people in attendance, voted on tonight’s resolution as you were coming into this hall. Be it resolved: the liberal international order is over,
yay or nay. Let’s see those results. The pre-audience vote: 34 percent agree, 66 percent disagree. Interesting. The room is in play.
Now, this is a critical question that we ask just to get a sense of the variability tonight: Depending on what you hear during the debate, are you open to changing your vote? Let’s have those numbers, please: 93 percent. So, wow — 93 percent are open to changing. This debate is in motion, it’s fluid.
Let’s get it started with our opening statements. Niall Ferguson, since you’re speaking in favour of the resolution, you’ll go first. You’ve got ten minutes on the clock.
NIALL FERGUSON: Well, thank you very much indeed, Rudyard. And thank you, Peter and Melanie, for giving us the opportunity to discuss this extraordinarily important issue.
Voltaire famously said that the Holy Roman Empire was neither holy nor Roman, nor an empire. And I think the same can be said of the liberal international order. It’s neither liberal nor international nor, for that matter, very orderly. And yet it seems reckless at best to come to, of all places, Toronto, and try to get people to vote against those three words, because you’re all liberal. And you’re all international and, by my own experience, at least, you’re all quite orderly. But it seems to be that one way of thinking about this is: How difficult would it be to get you to vote in favour of what I suppose would be the opposite, which would be conservative home-grown chaos
?
Now, we’re trying that in the United States at the moment, and I just want to make it very clear that I am not here to defend Donald Trump. I’m not even here to persuade you that the liberal international order is necessarily all bad. I’m just here to persuade you that it’s over.
I think there should be some full disclosure, Fareed. You and I have been amongst the beneficiaries of the liberal international order. Not quite as much as Peter, but some. We’ve had our fun at Davos and Aspen over the years — I think you still go to those places. And I’m not going to deny that it’s been pretty good. The question I want to address is whether or not it’s been good for a whole lot of other people who may not be so well represented in this audience tonight.
Has it been good for ordinary Americans? North Americans, Canadians, and U.S. citizens? Has it been good for ordinary Europeans? Has it been good for the people in the places we come from? Those Glaswegians who didn’t make it to Toronto. Quite a lot tried. Or the Indian Muslims