"Infamous Decade" In Argentina, 1930-1943: UNIVERSITY SUMMARIES
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SINCE 1930 THE LIBERAL-DEMOCRATIC TRADITION WAS BROKEN AND A PERIOD OF INSTABILITY BEGAN that lasts until today. The conservative sectors had never accepted the Yrigoyen "rabble", so the idea of the coup matured. Thus two interpretations arose from the right: the nationalist and the liberal. To develop the theme, we have summarized the essentials of "Restructuring and crisis of the conservative order" (1930-1946) ", by Fernando García Molina.
MAURICIO ENRIQUE FAU
Mauricio Enrique Fau nació en Buenos Aires en 1965. Se recibió de Licenciado en Ciencia Política en la Universidad de Buenos Aires. Cursó también Derecho en la UBA y Periodismo en la Universidad de Morón. Realizó estudios en FLACSO Argentina. Docente de la UBA y AUTOR DE MÁS DE 3.000 RESÚMENES de Psicología, Sociología, Ciencia Política, Antropología, Derecho, Historia, Epistemología, Lógica, Filosofía, Economía, Semiología, Educación y demás disciplinas de las Ciencias Sociales. Desde 2005 dirige La Bisagra Editorial, especializada en técnicas de estudio y materiales que facilitan la transición desde la escuela secundaria a la universidad. Por intermedio de La Bisagra publicó 38 libros. Participa en diversas ferias del libro, entre ellas la Feria Internacional del Libro de Buenos Aires y la FIL Guadalajara.
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"Infamous Decade" In Argentina, 1930-1943 - MAURICIO ENRIQUE FAU
Infamous Decade
In Argentina, 1930-1943
UNIVERSITY SUMMARIES
MAURICIO ENRIQUE FAU
Published by BOOKS AND SUMMARIES BY MAURICIO FAU, 2021.
While every precaution has been taken in the preparation of this book, the publisher assumes no responsibility for errors or omissions, or for damages resulting from the use of the information contained herein.
INFAMOUS DECADE
IN ARGENTINA, 1930-1943
First edition. October 14, 2021.
Copyright © 2021 MAURICIO ENRIQUE FAU.
ISBN: 979-8201012144
Written by MAURICIO ENRIQUE FAU.
Table of Contents
Title Page
Copyright Page
García Molina, Fernando
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Further Reading: Summary Of History Of Colonial Paraguay
By Mauricio Fau
Also By MAURICIO ENRIQUE FAU
About the Author
About the Publisher
García Molina, Fernando
RESTRUCTURING AND CRISIS OF THE CONSERVATIVE ORDER (1930-1946)
a) Diagnosis of the sociopolitical reality
SINCE 1930 THE LIBERAL-DEMOCRATIC TRADITION WAS BROKEN AND A PERIOD OF INSTABILITY BEGAN that lasts until today. The conservative sectors had never accepted the Yrigoyen rabble
, so the idea of the coup matured. Thus two interpretations arose from the right: the nationalist and the liberal.
A nationalist diagnosis
THE NATIONALISTS STARTED FROM A TOTAL REJECTION OF LIBERALISM, DEMOCRACY AND MARXISM, DEFENDING ORDER AND NATIONALITY
In his interpretation, liberalism was the predominance of foreign (British) capital. For this reason, they attacked free trade, freedom of thought, the demagoguery of the press, the parties and the mob
.
From the French thinker CHARLES MAURRAS (1868-1952) they extracted the REJECTION OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, the idea of DISCIPLINE AND spiritual UNITY, ANTI-SEMITISM, the use of FORCE to solve political questions, etc.
The nationalists saw Yrigoyen as the result of an order without discipline, the prelude to anarchy, the class struggle and THE SOCIAL REVOLUTION, THE WORST OF EVILS. They associated Judaism with socialism, proposing to end both.
In his CONCEPTION OF THE SOCIETY there are two classes: producers and administrators; Some produce for all while the other group administers and orders, controlling the State.
THEY ASSIGNED A ROLE OF PRIVILEGE TO THE LIVESTOCKERS, the producing class par excellence (the Irazusta brothers were impoverished cattlemen of the coast), in the face of the alarming growth of the cities, with their working-class and middle-class rabble
(unproductive crowds of the cities
, In the expression of the Irazusta). The owners of the land represent the preservation of the interests of the Nation.
Despite nationalism, they believed that the state did not have to produce. Instead of the State (the maximum for later nationalism) THE BASIS OF THE NEW ORDER WAS THE CATHOLIC CHURCH, a traditional and anti-liberal institution.
And the army?
As for the ARMY, the nationalists thought that it should fulfill an instrumental role: that of putting in its place the principle of authority, displacing the populace strengthened by the Sáenz Peña Law.
THE NATIONALISTS CALLED OUT A COUP D'ÉTAT AND A STRONG DICTATORSHIP THAT WILL END DEMOCRACY
IN RELATION TO THE government that emerged from the 1930 coup, they trusted Uriburu, but not his collaborators, since they observed how the liberal sectors were gaining ground in the government.
The liberal diagnosis
The LIBERALS had different positions. JUSTO was supported by antipersonnel radicals, the PSI, and conservatives. His priorities were to separate politics from the military, trying to give his management a marked civil tone, and professionalizing the Armed Forces. He promised to place himself above sectoral interests and achieve national union. He invited radicalism to join the regime, in peace. But the UCR returned to the electoral abstention that it had used in the conservative era.
UNLIKE URIBURU, JUSTO PROPOSED TO RESPECT THE REPRESENTATIVE REGIME AND THE VOTE
Social peace was a requirement for economic take-off, which is why he raised the need to harmonize capital and work.
Economically, to get out of the crisis, they tried to lower state spending, but that continued. At that time IT WAS BELIEVED THAT THE CRISIS WAS SOMETHING A PASSENGER and not a terminal process.
b) Objectives and interests of the main social actors
The fact that the corporations actually