The Oku Trail (Ketiãntian ∂bkuo): racing Roots, Footprints and the Edification of a Cultural Space

By TATAH Peter TAIMAH

Recognising that the Oku cultural space is characterised by scattered pieces of literature, this book therefore fills this paucity of information by focusing on issues such as the roots or traces of Oku origin, physical features, the political and social organisation, traditional religion and medicine, r

• Language: English
• Publisher: URLink Print & Media, LLC
• Release date: Dec 10, 2021
• ISBN: 9781684860432

TATAH Peter TAIMAH

TATAH Peter Ntaimah was born in Mboh-Oku, Bui Division of North West Cameroon in 1962. He studied Anthropology in the University of Yaoundé 1 where he obtained a PhD in Medical Anthropology. He is author of numerous articles in medical anthropology and co-author of publications in diverse academic fields, notably in migration, health and environment. This book was written simultaneously with a medical anthropological text titled "The Cultural Determinants of Ill-health".

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THE OKU TRAIL

(KETIÃNTIAN ∂BKUO)

Tracing Roots, Footprints and the Edification of a Cultural Space

TATAH PETER NTAIMAH

The Oku Trail (Ketiãntian ∂bkuo)

Copyright © 2021 by Tatah Peter Ntaimah. All rights reserved.

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ISBN 978-1-68486-041-8 (Paperback)

ISBN 978-1-68486-042-5 (Hardback)

ISBN 978-1-68486-043-2 (Digital)

12.11.21

TATAH PETER NTAIMAH was born in Mboh-Oku, Bui Division of North West Cameroon in 1962. He studied Anthropology in the University of Yaoundé 1 where he obtained a PhD in Medical Anthropology. He is author of numerous articles in medical anthropology and co-author of publications in diverse academic fields, notably in migration, health and environment. This book on cultural anthropology was written simultaneously with a medical anthropological text titled The Cultural Determinants of Ill-health: The Experience of Persons Living with Epilepsy in the Manguissa community in Cameroon. From 1998 to 2010, he combined teaching and research in anthropology. He has over the years developed interest in the study of the Grassfields"; a rich cultural area in Cameroon. His forthcoming work is focused on the Monuments of the Grassfields. His cherished hobby is traditional music and dance. He holds many awards from the ministry of culture and NGDOs for ably representing Cameroon in many national and international festivities.

Contents

Abstract

Introduction

Chapter 1: The Roots

1.1. Background

1.2. The Tikari origin

1.3. Succession conflict at (Kokefem) Oku (Kovifem) Nso

1.4. The journey to Oku

1.5. The first attempted reunion with the Nso brothers

1.6. The arrival and Settlement of the Kokefem people in Ntul land

1.7. The integration process and the emergence of Oku

1.8. From the Nso’s Vikulaf (Viku) to Əbkuo (Oku)

1.9. The German conquest

1.10. Final divorce with the Nso brothers

1.11. Second attempted reunion with Nso under British rule

Chapter 2: Physical features

2.1. Location of Oku

2.2. Relief

2.3. Climate

2.4. Vegetation

2.5. Drainage

Conclusion

Chapter 3: Political Organisation and Institutions of Power

3.1. Background

3.2. The executive

3.2.1. The Fon

3.2.2. Village heads

3.2.3. The place of women.

3.3. Legislature and the judiciary (Kwifon)

3.4. The military wing of the traditional administration

3.5. Traditional religion as an institution of power within the social structure

Conclusion

Chapter 4: Political Organisation and Institutions of Prestige

4.1. Background

4.2. The royal family

4.2.1. Royal family institutions

4.2.2. Other royal masquerades

4.2.3. Ngele

4.3. The Oku language

4.4. Dance

4.4.1. Birth dance

4.4.2. Juju dance

4.4.3. Njang dance

4.4.4. Fembien

4.4.5. Ndong

4.4.6. Eylung

4.4.7. Chong

4.4.8. Shingole

Conclusion

Chapter 5: The Social Organisation

5.1. Context

5.2. Clans and lineages

5.2.1. Mbe’ele

5.2.2. Әbdzәŋ

5.2.3. Mbulum

5.2.4. Other groups

5.3. Family

5.4. Succession

5.5. Marriage

5.6. Royal marriages in Oku

Conclusion

Chapter 6: Royal funerals and enthronement

6.1. Background

6.2. Royal funerals in Oku

6.2.1. Felengang masquerade

6.2.2. Ega’ah masquerade

6.2.3. Nokaŋ

6.2.4. Nguv

6.2.5. Nda әbves

6.3. Enthronement of a Fon in Oku

6.3.1. Assembly of ebghebchio

6.3.2. Kekumenjang

6.3.3. The enthronement procession

6.3.4. Feyin-ebweiy

6.3.5. Preparing Esaŋ keyus

6.3.6. The speech of the new Fon

6.3.7. The Mfu display in front of the new Fon

Conclusion

Chapter 7: Oku Traditional Religion

7.1. Context

7.2. The Fon as head of traditional religion

7.3. Ancestral worship and traditional prayers

7.3.1. Kengka’a

7.3.2. Әmkan

7.3.3. Tangle

7.3.4. Ketef

7.5. Juju spirits

7.6. Forest spirits or potent forces

7.7. Animals of misfortune eshiebe’eh

7.7.1 Ebwong

7.7.2 Kefantie fe’eh

7.7.3 Ngám

7.7.4 Fiŋ

7.7.5 Dog

7.8. Mawess

7.9. Lumetu

7.10. Other minor gods

Conclusion

Chapter 8: Traditional Medicine

8.1. Context

8.2. Sources of knowledge

8.2.1. Initiation

8.2.2. Divine

8.3. Types of traditional medicine

8.3.1. Herbal association

8.3.2. Spiritual cleansing

8.3.3. Divination

8.4. Categories

8.4.1. Individual medicine

8.4.2. Juju or communal medicine

Conclusion

Chapter 9: Socio-Economic Development

9.1. Context

9.2. Land tenure in Oku

9.3 Carving

9.3. Agriculture and coffee industry

9.4. Bee keeping and honey industry

9.5. Traditional architecture

9.6. Education

9.7. Health facilities

9.8. Traditional medicine

9.9. Animal rearing

9.10. Road construction projects

9.11. Electrification

Conclusion

Chapter 10: Relation with other Tribes whin the Grassfield

10.1. Background

10.1. Oku and Kom

10.1.1. Oku and Mbesenaku now known as Mbessa.

10.2. Oku and Nso

10.2.1. Oku and Mbiame

10.2.2. Oku and Nkar

10.3. Oku and kejem

10.4. Oku and Njotin

10.5. Oku and Baba

10.6. Oku and Babungo

10.6. Oku and Babessi

Conclusion

Chapter 11: Political Evolution

11.1. Background

11.1.2. The first ever multiparty fever in Oku

11.1.3. Kenlu

11.1.3.1. From a revolt against agrarian reforms to Yikometak (income tax)

11.1.3.2. From Yikometakto the selling of the forest to the Ibos.

11.1.3.3. The collapse of the protest in Oku

11.2. Political awareness from 1976 TO 1990

11.2.1. Long Line and Short Line during CNU

11.2.2. SDF/CPDM

11.2.3. SCNC Movement

11.2.4. Oku Rrural Radio and elections into its bureau

11.2.5. OCDA politics

Conclusion

General Conclusion

Bibliography

Abstract

RECOGNISING THAT THE Oku cultural space is characterised by scattered pieces of literature on various themes, this book therefore tries to fill this paucity of information by focusing on issues such as the roots or traces of Oku origin, the physical features, the political and social organisation, traditional religion and medicine, relation with other fondoms within the grassfields, socio-economic development and political evolution. From this perspective, the analyses go beyond mere presentation of historical facts. Every topic is preceded with a context interspersed with relevant literature on social anthropology. Nevertheless, the migration and integration of the Kokefem people into the Ntul society has been viewed from a historical background, in which a complete genealogy of the royal family is traced and analysed in detail. This book is presented in eleven chapters. The first chapter traces the origin of the Oku people from Tikari through the legendary Kokefem/Kovifem right up to the present settlement. It equally traces the path and events that led to the integration of the Kokefem people into the Ntul society. The physical features of the fondom and their effects on development are treated under chapter two. Here the effects of the relief, climate, vegetation and drainage on the human development are examined. Chapter three presents the political organisation and institutions of power while chapter four treats political organisation and institutions of prestige. This chapter equally treats the evolutionary nature of some of the institutions such as the royal family masquerades, language and dance. Chapter five presents the Oku social organisation or structure with emphasis on the family, succession and marriage while chapter six presents royal funerals and enthronement. Chapter seven presents the Oku traditional religion. Here, some of the basic features of this religion such as ancestral worship, juju and forest spirits or potent forces and other minor deities are presented. Chapter eight treats traditional medicine with emphasis on sources of knowledge, types of medicine and their main categories. Chapter nine presents the main socio-economic activities such as carving, agriculture and coffee industry, bee keeping and the honey industry, traditional architecture, education, health and road construction. Chapter ten presents the relationship of this society with other communities of the grassfield with emphasis on the principle of justice and equity njioh and the Oku policy of splendid isolation that determined the nature of this relationship. Chapter eleven which is the last, analyses the political evolution of this society. Main topics treated here are: the first ever multiparty fever in Oku in the fifties, the kenlu experience and its consequences on the future of the fondom, political awareness from 1976 to 1990 with splinter groups such as the long line and short line under the CNU party, the CDPM-SDF divide, Oku Rural Radio and OCDA politics. Conclusively, thorough literature search has revealed many hidden facts on the relation of Oku and Nso. The geophysical characteristics of Oku stand out as the main determinants of its worldview. This worldview as the unique identifying feature directly influences the Oku traditional healing processes. Administratively, Oku has evolved from a simple centralised society with a unique political thought to a complex one characterised by opposition and plurality of opinion in which the Fon and Kwifon no more monopolise absolute power. From our analysis, politics in Oku from the colonial past till date has never been a bed of roses and despite major advances in education and socio-economic development, people’s minds have seldom changed.

Introduction

THE ‘CULTURAL SPACE’ that forms the base upon which this book is written is characterised by pieces of literature on various topics which leave the reader with much to be desired as this literature is somehow very elementary. Recognising this, I have tried to focus on issues hitherto thought to be of no value by former scholars. These issues or topics are the political organisation, social organisation, traditional religion and medicine, relation with other fondoms within the grassfields, physical features, socio-economic development and political evolution. From this perspective, this text is far from being considered as the history of Oku, considering the weight given to these issues mentioned above. The text attempts a holistic presentation of nearly all the components of this society. Nevertheless, the migration and integration of the Kokefem people to the Ntul society has been viewed from a historical background. A complete genealogy of the royal family is traced and analysed in detail.

This evolutionary process, titled "ketiantian" the Oku trail, explores and analysis facts that characterise the Oku society. The first chapter of this text traces the origin of the Oku people from Tikari through the legendaryKokefem/Kovifem right up to the present settlement. It reports historical events from an anthropological perspective. This chapter explores facts that triggered the first divorce within the Kokefem/Kovifem dynasty. It equally traces the path and events that led to the integration of the Kokefem people into the Ntul society. It would be erroneous to be expecting complete Kokefem traits within the present Oku ‘cultural space’. Institutions that surfaced within the present Oku ‘cultural space’ now bear Ntul, Kejem and Kokefem traits.

The physical features of the fondom and their effects on development are treated under chapter two. Here the effects of the relief, climate, vegetation and drainage on human development are equally examined. Chapter three presents the political organisation and institutions of power while chapter four treats political organisation and institutions of prestige. This chapter equally treats the evolutionary nature of some of the institutions such as the royal family masquerades, language and dance. Chapter five presents the Oku social organisation or structure with emphasis on the family, succession and marriage while chapter six presents royal funerals and enthronement. Chapter seven presents the Oku traditional religion. Here, some of the basic features of this religion such as ancestral worship, juju and forest spirits or potent forces, and other minor deities are presented. Chapter eight treats traditional medicine with emphasis on sources of knowledge, types of medicine and their main categories. Chapter nine presents the main socio-economic activities such as carving, agriculture and coffee industry, bee keeping and the honey industry, traditional architecture, education, health and road development. Chapter ten presents the relationship of this society with other communities of the grassfield while chapter eleven analyses the political evolution of this society.

CHAPTER ONE

The Roots

1.1. Background

As of now, no one has been able to come out with a comprehensive history of migration of the Oku people as many events are only narrated orally. Many facts are embedded in songs and folktales. Some sceptics refer to these sources as mere speculation. Nevertheless, there are some cultural evidences with which one can rely on to put together pieces gathered from oral and some secondary sources. No matter the scepticism, no persuasion can disassociate the people from their historical past. It is no secret that the Oku people share many cultural traits with their brothers and cousins of the Tikari origin. I am also aware that whatever I write here, will somehow differ from existing elementary variants of Oku history. However, there are areas where these variants merge. The conflicting nature of some of these variants is actually the interesting part of oral history, which we must accept and live with. Oku gradually created a ‘cultural space’ within the western grasfield as you may find in the following pages. Its distinctive environmental factors fashioned an exclusive worldview which is the main feature of this ‘cultural space’.

1.2. The Tikari origin

Many Fondoms of the grasslands migrated out of Tikari in groups. According to (Nkwi & Warnier 1982:16; Nkwi 1987:15-28) the Tikari alleged migration from the Upper Mbam River region was in waves, and mostly led by princes of Rifum Fons, seeking to establish their own dynasties. From this background, it is clear that Oku and Nso were one group during that migration wave; but it is difficult to tell with exactitude the names the people were bearing during their movement out of the Tikari region. It is seemingly clear that the names (Oku, Nso) only came up later. It is not clear that these names (Oku, Nso) were traceable to Tikari. It is only known that (Oku, Nso) were moving as one group or as one people. Some say that they constituted a unique family and shared many things wherever they moved to during that period. Some events like death, bad climate, succession problems and even conflicts with other groups along the way were factors that contributed to frequent change of settlements. It should also be noted that some sources believe Princess Wou-Ten founded the Tikar dynasty around 1299.

Other sources claim that when the Tikar Fon died in about 1387, there commenced a serious battle to succeed his throne. During this battle, it was a younger brother to Nchare Yen who succeeded the throne. The aftermath was that Nchare Yen and Foumbam left the region leaving behind their elder sister Ngonnso. Ngonnso, who was a married woman, was hindered at the bridge. It is alleged that Nchare Yen and Foumban had destroyed the bridge over the Mape River thereby blocking the advancement of Ngonnso and his followers. She and her followers decided to circumvent this section of the region and moved westwards towards Kovifem. Otherwise stated by other scholars, owing to a civil war, Nso and Mum travelled together right to the banks of the MVi River (Hawkesworth 1922 & Fanso 1989). Mfo-Nso followed the left bank of the river and settled at Kovifem.

Ndishiangong (1984), reports that oral tradition traces the origin of the Oku people from the outskirts of Egypt, together with their neighbours and brothers from Nso. Due to the arid nature of the region, settling there was difficult so they left and moved to a place called Belbele. There, they lived on wild berries, honey and meat. Belbele was also too dry to cope with the expanding population. They found life difficult to live there, so they moved to the savannah lands of Tikari on the Adamawa plateau. They settled in a place called Rifem. They found the Tikari area very suitable and consequently lived there for a very long time and their population increased tremendously. The Oku people and their Nso brothers lived at Rifem as one family with one family head or chief. Their unity at Rifem was not destined to be eternal as events soon proved.

Their separation at Rifem was because of a succession dispute. It occurred that when the family head (chief) died, a younger brother succeeded the throne instead of his elder brother, as was the custom of the people. The younger brother was called Nchari and the elder brother was called Nso. Consequently, the elder son took some of his father’s property and with his own supporters, moved to a place across the river separating Rifem and settled there. His stay in the new found home was short-lived because the new chief sent a third brother called Moum with a party to follow up Nso, capture him and bring back the kingly property he had taken from Rifem.

When the party led by Moum came to the river, they were surprised to discover that when Nso and his people came to cross the river, they made their own bridge, which they destroyed as soon as they crossed it. This was to avoid fighting a war with the new chief’s army, which he had suspected would be sent after him to recover the kingly property he had taken. Unable to make their own bridge and cross the river to recover the property, Moum and his party decided not to return to the new chief at Rifem; for fear of being punished for being weak or even teaming up with Nso to subvert his position as the new king. As a result, Moum and his own people, who were later joined by their wives, decided to look for another new home where Moum also became chief or king. Whatever the case, the truth is that the Moum or Bamoum and the Nso have a common ancestry in Cameroon today. After Rifem, Nso and his people later moved to (Kokefem) Oku (Kovifem) Nso.

1.3. Succession conflict at (Kokefem) Oku (Kovifem) Nso

After shuttling from spot to spot, this long movement led them to what was seemingly their permanent settlement at Kokefem (Oku) or Kovifem (Nso). They lived together for long, until when