Devils, Daggers & Death: Eyewitness accounts of French officers and soldiers during the Peninsular War (1807-1814)

By Jonas De Neef

This second volume of translated French accounts and documents concern the Peninsular War. The conflict is considered one of the principal reasons that French emperor Napoleon Bonaparte ultimately lost his dominion over Europe. The many officers, soldiers and French allies serving in this theatre of war became the eyewitnesses of a brutal and long lasting war, where honour was often lacking, promotion often ignored and survival became a treasured notion.

The following pages will describe several aspects of French army life in the Iberian peninsula, all through the words written down by the very men - of various branches within the military - who took part in the struggle. How were the relations between commanders in the different general staffs and headquarters? What were their objectives? How did they function? What was the role of the memorialist? What kind of hardships were suffered on the road, while garrisoned or at camp? What crimes were committed by fellow soldiers, the guerrillas or the inhabitants? How did the French rate their British, Spanish and Portuguese enemies? How did conscripts cope serving rather reluctantly, far from their homesteads? What kept these officers and soldiers alive and what happened to them? May these recollections and letters (many translated for the first time) of these Frenchmen provide answers and insights why and how they managed their time in service of Napoleon and the (First French) Empire.

• Language: English
• Publisher: Lulu.com
• Release date: Apr 8, 2022
• ISBN: 9781471730986

Book preview

Devils, Daggers

& Death

Rédition de Madrid, 1808. Antoine-Jean Gros (1771–1835).

Devils, Daggers

& Death

Eyewitness accounts of French officers and soldiers during the Peninsular War (1807-1814)

Translated by

Jonas De Neef

Illustrated with pictures

First published in Belgium in 2022.

ISBN 978-1-4717-3098-6

Imprint: Lulu.com

Copyright © Jonas De Neef.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical including photocopying, recording or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission of the writer.

The images and maps used in this work belong to their respective owners/creators. They can be found in the public domain.

Image used as cover:

El gran día de Gerona (19 septiembre de 1809). César Álvarez Dumont (1866-1945).

Images source:

Wikimedia Commons.

Cover designers:

Shermain See and Jonas De Neef.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Foreword by J. David Markham

Introduction by Jonas De Neef

A LETTER FROM COLONEL AUGUSTIN D’ABOVILLE TO HIS FATHER

SQUADRON COMMANDER CHAUVEAU’S CORRESPONDENCE IMPERIAL GUARD ARTILLERY (1808-1809)

Letter I

Letter II

Letter III

Letter IV

Letter V

Letter VI

Letter VII

ACCOUNT OF THE MASSACRE OF MADRID DRAWN FROM THE MANUSCRIPT MEMOIRS OF MAJOR VANTAL DE CARRÈRE, ATTACHED TO THE ARMY CORPS OF LIEUTENANT GENERAL DUPONT

REMARKS ON THE ANDALUSIA CAMPAIGN (1808), BY CHARLES L'HÉRITIER, LIEUTENANT AT THE ROYAL HOTEL OF INVALIDS, FORMER FOURRIER OF THE SECOND COMPANY OF VOLTIGEURS OF THE REGIMENT OF THE PARIS GUARD

REPORT ADDRESSED TO MARSHAL MORTIER BY CAPTAIN DAUGIER (SAILORS OF THE GUARD)

DOCTOR TREILLE'S ACCOUNT ON THE CAMPAIGN OF ANDALUSIA IN 1808

NOTES ON THE CAMPAIGN OF ANDALUSIA BY SQUADRON COMMANDER BARON DE REISET LIEUTENANT & AIDE DE CAMP TO GENERAL PRIVÉ (1808)

RECOLLECTIONS OF A VELITE OF THE GUARD EXTRACTS FROM THE MANUSCRIPTS OF FRÉDÉRIC BILLON

I – War of Spain – Saragossa (1808-1809)

II – Prisoner of war – Mahon – Cabrera

III – Departure from Cabrera

Annex – Billon’ State of services

RECOLLECTIONS OF THE WAR IN SPAIN BY AN ADJUTANT – CHASSEURS À CHEVAL (1809-1810)

I – Retaliation

II – Massacre of a company of Polish soldiers

III – Counter-guerrilla

IV – The convent of Olyte

V – Death of two French cavalrymen – Destruction of a village – Bloody combat - Defeat of the guerrillas

AN ACCOUNT OF AN ANONYMOUS SOLDIER ON CABRERA (1810-1814)

RECOLLECTIONS OF CABRERA CORPORAL MARTIAL-JOSEPH DELROEUX

I - Journey from Cadiz to the island of Majorca

II - Description of the island of Cabrera

III - Disembarkation at Cabrera Island

IV - Amputation of the middle finger of my right hand

V - I receive a double ration

VI - Arrival of eighteen hundred prisoners from Alicante - End of our captivity

LETTERS OF CAPTAIN PONSSIN ENGINEER OFFICER UNDER MARSHAL SUCHET (1810)

Letter I

Letter II

Letter III

Letter IV

Letter V

Letter VI

Letter VII

Supporting documents

Document I

Document II

Book extract

PRIVATE AND MILITARY RECOLLECTIONS OF LIEUTENANT VICTOR OUDINOT, FUTURE DUKE OF REGGIO CAMPAIGNS OF PORTUGAL - 1810 & 1811

I - Summary & introduction

II - General Oudinot's recollections

A romantic crossing of Spain (15 July-15 August 1810)

The siege of Almeida (15-27 August 1810) and the battle of Buçaco (27 September 1810)

Stopped by the formidable defence lines of Torres Vedras (October 1810)

Aspects of army life - Masséna's character

Winter of expectation - The council of war in Golega (October 1810 - February 1811)

Retreat: withdrawal to the Mondego and the battles of Pombal and Redinha (5 to 13 March 1811)

Second phase of the retreat: withdrawal to Spain and exasperation of disagreements with Ney (mid-March to mid-April 1811)

Return to Spain - Reorganisation of the army

Battle of Fuentes de Oñoro (3 to 5 May 1811)

The Army of Portugal withdraws to Salamanca - Masséna's recall to France

Annex: Victor Oudinot's state of services

LETTERS OF CORPORAL FRANCONIN (1810-1811)

Letter I

Letter II

Letter III

Letter IV

Letter V

Letter VI

Letter VII

Letter VIII

RECOLLECTIONS OF COLONEL MORIN ON HIS TIME IN SPAIN (1812-1813)

I – Introduction by Colonel Paul Willing

II - Recollections of Colonel Morin

LETTERS OF AN AIDE-MAJOR OF THE 119TH  INFANTRY REGIMENT (1812)

Letter I

Letter II

Letter III

Letter IV

TWO LETTERS OF GENERAL BUQUET (JULY 1812)

Letter I

Letter II

A LETTER MEANT FOR NAPOLEON (1813)

VARIOUS SOLDIERS’ LETTERS

Letter I

Letter II

Letter III

Letter IV

Letter V

Letter VI

Letter VII

Letter VIII

Letter IX

Letter X

Letter XI

Letter XII

Letter XIII

Letter XIV

FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Foreword by J. David Markham

The Peninsular War has been the subject of countless commentaries and differing points of view. It was the result of complex political, economic, religious and social events between Great Britain, Portugal, Spain and France. It drew in major French leaders, including Napoleon himself, and was, of course, the campaign that brought the career of Arthur Wellesley, the Duke of Wellington, to the forefront. While the upper and business classes of Spain had little issue with the French who, for example, had ended the Inquisition, ultimately the religious and patriotic fervour of the Spanish peasantry led to a brutal war of attrition, with both sides engaging in what today might be considered war crimes.

  Because of the importance and nature of the campaign, there have been countless books written on the subject reflecting all points of view (though understandably, there are more British books than French!). While most of these books focus on military analysis, some, notably the works of my friend Gareth Glover, have focused on the memoirs and other writings of those who actually participated in the campaign. While naturally the focus has frequently been on English writings, in this book Jonas De Neef focuses on those of French participants.

  Of course, the letters and memoirs of the highest-ranking officers must be seen in the light of possible political intentions. And the letters, and especially the memoirs, of lower officers and enlisted men may sometimes be intended to embellish the actual role played by the writer. This has always been an issue and even expected. See, for example, this passage from Shakespeare’s Henry V’s famous St. Crispian’s Day speech:

He that outlives this day, and comes safe home,

Will stand a tip-toe when the day is named,

And rouse him at the name of Crispian.

He that shall live this day, and see old age,

Will yearly on the vigil feast his neighbours,

And say ‘Tomorrow is Saint Crispian’

Then will he strip his sleeve and show his scars.

And say ‘These wounds I had on Crispin’s day.’

Old men forget: yet all shall be forgot,

But he’ll remember with advantages

What feats he did that day…

(italics and underlining my emphasis)

As was the case with letters in De Neef’s first book, In the Wake of the Emperor, the documents selected for this volume cover details of the campaign as well as the personal experiences and feelings of the soldiers writing them.

  For example, Colonel Augustin D’Aboville informs his father about the difficulties of travel in Spain, due at least in part to the fact that ‘there are no post-houses for carriages.’ He further laments the bad inns in Spain that often provided no bread or food. He goes on with an interesting discussion on troop movements, while also complaining about the lack of mail from his family. He travelled with the future General Foy and his wife, and socialized at the highest levels. He also speculates as to the purpose of the massive French force in Spain, offering his opinion that Spain and Portugal would be excellent departure points for an invasion of England and Ireland.

  Imperial Guard Artillery Gunner Louis-Joseph Chauveau, a veteran of most of the Napoleonic campaigns, spends a great deal of time in his letters responding to assorted family issues, especially their lack of money, which he promises to rectify. He notes that the revolt in Madrid and elsewhere were instigated only by ‘the rabble,’ with the Spanish military and nobility not getting involved.

  One of the most interesting documents is the account of the uprising and massacre in Madrid written in the memoirs of Major Vantal de Carrère. He has less than complimentary descriptions of the mob, using such descriptions as ‘coarse and swarthy figures, the imprint of the most audacious brutality’ who served as ‘blind instruments, coarse and foolish characters… taking pleasure in insulting the French.’ When things turned violent he was in the hospital, and his memoirs provide a very good look into the mind of the patients as they prepared their defenses, fearful that the Spanish would want to slit their throats as they lay in bed.

The letters and other documents selected for this book offer important insight into the experiences of the soldiers in this campaign, and having them translated into English is a boon for many who would like to gain that insight.

J. David Markham

President, International Napoleonic Society

Knight, Order of the French Academic Palms

Introduction by Jonas De Neef

My second volume of translated French accounts and documents concerns the Peninsular War. The conflict is considered one of the principal reasons that the French emperor Napoleon Bonaparte ultimately lost his dominion over Europe. The many officers, soldiers and French allies serving in this theatre of war became the eyewitnesses of a brutal and long lasting war, where honour was often lacking, promotion often ignored and survival became a treasured notion.

The following pages will describe several aspects of French army life in the Iberian peninsula, all through the words written down by the very men - of various branches within the military - who took part in the struggle. How were the relations between commanders in the different general staffs and headquarters? What were their objectives? How did they function? What was the role of the memorialist? What kind of hardships were suffered on the road, while garrisoned or at camp? What crimes were committed by fellow soldiers, the guerrillas or the inhabitants? How did the French rate their British, Spanish and Portuguese enemies? How did conscripts cope serving rather reluctantly, far from their homesteads? What kept these officers and soldiers alive and what happened to them? It is my sincere hope these recollections and letters (many translated for the first time) of these Frenchmen provide answers and insights why and how they managed their time in service of Napoleon and the (First French) Empire.

Let me extend my gratitude to everyone for the positive remarks and support when I announced this project. I could heavily rely on the provided suggestions and proofreading conducted by Gareth Glover, J. David Markham, Robert Burnham, Yuhan Kim and Jonathan North. I’m honoured to cooperate with such distinguished Napoleonic historians. May we all long treasure our passion for this fascinating time period!

Yet again, I could depend on the unwavering patience and assistance of my loved one. I am very grateful she is a part of my life. A shout-out as well to my family and friends from all over the world! Enjoy the read.

Afbeelding met kaart Automatisch gegenereerde beschrijvingAfbeelding met kaart Automatisch gegenereerde beschrijvingAfbeelding met tekst, oud, zwart, wit Automatisch gegenereerde beschrijving

‘View of the Rossio Square, in which is depicted the turmoil and terror of the French during the Feast of Corpus Christi, in the year 1808, when they tumultuously dropped their weapons and abandoned their artillery due to the fright the people caused them and the rumours they heard: the English have arrived.’

Unknown author, public domain - Wikimedia Commons.

A LETTER FROM COLONEL AUGUSTIN D’ABOVILLE

TO HIS FATHER

This document can serve as an example for the confusion among the troops that always occurred at the beginning of a Napoleonic campaign. Even officers such as d’Aboville had to endure setbacks such as these. Nevertheless, the officer managed to provide a solid overview of the whereabouts of the French commanders, their units and their (past) relationships.

Lisbon, 2 March 1808.

My dear Papa¹,

At last I² reached Lisbon, after two consecutive months of travelling. It took me a month to cover the two hundred leagues between Bayonne and this city, passing through Madrid, which is enormous; this is due to the fact that there are no post-houses for carriages, and I could not, unless I abandoned my belongings, travel freely. All that travellers claim about the bad inns in Spain is not exaggerated!

More than once we have spent the night in places of this kind and there were no windows to be found, no beds and nothing to eat, not even bread. But as we had good supplies of food, we found ourselves spared from hunger everywhere. I often remembered the trade that I practised so poorly in confinement, that of cooking. Hubert however usually stepped in for me, and we preferred his cooking to that of the finest inns in Spain.

You have heard, my dear Papa, that I was accompanied on my journey by Mr. Colonel Foy³ and his wife. In various places I met people who asked me to remember them to you: Mr. d'Hémery, director at Bayonne, Marshal Moncey, commander of an army corps of 25 to 30,000 men at Burgos, General Simon Faultrier, commander of the artillery of the army corps of General Dupont (this corps has the same strength as the first one), finally, General Junot and his aide-de-camp Grandsaigne whom you saw at Brest, and who spoke to me about you and Mama in a very obliging way. I forget General Taviel, under whose orders I serve, and his artillery park director, Mr. Douence.⁴

The Army of Portugal, without including the Spanish regiments and the Portuguese legions, is 30,000 men strong; it is divided into a right wing, which occupies the right of the Tagus and is led by General Loison, and a left wing on the left of the Tagus; this part falls under the command of General Kellerman, and I must, in a few days time, lead this section.

There is a person of your acquaintance here who holds a very eminent position, which you would perhaps not expect, my dear Papa? It concerns Mr. Luith, Minister of War and Navy of the Kingdom of Portugal. I presented myself to pay him a visit; he was ill, in such that I have not yet seen him.

When I arrived in Lisbon, I expected to find letters from my family, including those letters of recommendation that maman had mentioned to me. I did not receive a single one. I did find one letter in the mail, which was the one concerning my appointment to the Iron Crown, to which this decoration was attached.

I have just heard from General Junot that the corps of Marshal Ney has left Silesia on duty to proceed to Spain. One even assures that a part has already arrived in Catalonia. If that is the case, I do not despair of seeing my brother again soon, from whom I have been separated since the Year XI [(1803)]. I found here an officer who fought the campaigns of Prussia and Poland under his orders. He was still with him two and a half months ago; he expressed to me the utmost praise of my brother.

What is the purpose of such considerable forces in the Spanish peninsula? That is everyone's question. Time will settle the matter. Some have us take possession of all Spain, others have us lay siege to Gibraltar. The most reasonable, as I see it, have us destined for a maritime expedition which would depart from the coasts of Spain, no doubt destined for Ireland and England. Cadiz, Lisbon and Ferrol are much better places, in my opinion, for an expedition against England, than those of France, which are located much too close to the ports of England.

Adieu, my dear Papa.

A.-G. D’ABOVILLE.

To General d'Aboville, Place des Vosges 21, Paris.⁵

El dos de mayo de 1808 en Madrid.

Francisco de Goya

Afbeelding met tekst, muur Automatisch gegenereerde beschrijving

(1746-1828).

SQUADRON COMMANDER CHAUVEAU’S CORRESPONDENCE

IMPERIAL GUARD ARTILLERY (1808-1809)

The following letters provide insights into the life of Imperial Guard gunner Louis-Joseph Chauveau (born 20 December 1778 at Cretteville, Manche). Entering the army at the age of eighteen, he was a witness to all the large and decisive European battles under Napoleon.

We pick up the correspondence when Chauveau and his unit was serving in the Peninsula. Despite his wonderful career among the French emperor’s elites, it did not save him from danger. During the second day of the battle of the Nations (Leipzig, 1813), acting as an aide to General Arrighi, a lance thrust cut his life short. He passed away while being transported to a hospital nearby.

Looking for the opportunity to occupy Spain swiftly, and mostly irritated by the Spanish defences, Napoleon, in an attempt to save time and resources, ordered the Imperial Guard to seize and hold Madrid. Chauveau writes to his mother from this city. Other locations soon followed. Documents from his superiors are included as well.

Letter I

Madrid, [this] 8 May 1808.

I received your letter yesterday, my dear mother, and I have hastened to answer it. At the same time I received my sister's letter; according to what she tells me you are not paid. If you need money, please let me know, it is better to approach one's own than others, I will find a way of passing it on to you.

It seems that our Sophie dresses up like a village lady, perhaps she wants to set the tone for the women of Montebourg. So much the better, let her spend money on her toilet, tell her that if fortune favours me, when she has no more money, I will offer her some.

According to your last letter my aunt appears to be feeling more ill, so much the worse, for at that age one soon ceases to live. I always recommend my interests and yours to you.

These past few days there has been a revolt in Madrid, and almost in all the regions occupied by the French; they have been obliged to fire cannon at the inhabitants of Madrid. Finally, peace returned, the Spanish troops did not interfere, nor did the nobility; only the rabble revolted. Many of them were killed and the rest appear to be calm.

Prince Murat is appointed Lieutenant General of the Kingdom. So much the better, this will restore the tranquillity which a weak government and by no means our friend would not have maintained.

Farewell, my dear mother, I embrace you with all my heart.

Yours very respectfully, CHAUVEAU.

P.S. - I have received another letter from my sister in the last few days: has she gone a little mad? Poor girl, God help her, but I didn't understand anything she said in her letter.

Letter II

Madrid, 15 May 1808.

I have received, my dear sister, two of your letters, but I have not received the one in which you tell me of the misfortune that has befallen the town of Cherbourg.

I am glad that you find the watch to your liking and that you are contemplating your wardrobe.

Tell Madame Delaporte that it would give me great pleasure to be of service to her, that all the saints of the Gallic world will not make me budge, and that since I have little faith in the relics of these gentlemen, I will not burden my carriage with them. Present your kind friend with my sincere respects for any relics, as well as to Mr. and Mrs. Delaporte.

Farewell, I have nothing new to report since the last letter I wrote to Mother, we are completely at peace. The heat is beginning to make itself felt.

Your friend, CHAUVEAU.

Letter III

Bayonne, 17 July 1808.

To Monsieur Chauveau, squadron commander of the Imperial Guard, in Madrid.

I inform you, Sir, that on the report which I submitted to the Emperor, according to the request of Mr. the Duke of Rovigo, His Majesty grants you, by decision of the 16th of this month, a leave of absence for three months with salary, to travel to France to restore your health. You will return to your post as soon as this leave expires.

The Prince of Neuchâtel, Vice Constable, Major-Général, ALEXANDRE [BERTHIER].

Letter IV

When his leave ended, Chauveau returned to Spain to resume his service. This was not without having caused a sensation in Montebourg, and the young Delaporte, brother of the friend of the squadron leader's sister, dazzled by his uniform and his cross [of the Legion of Honour], also wished to leave behind an idle existence to embrace the noble career of arms. And naturally, in this town, far away from any garrison, he asked to serve in the artillery of the Guard as a vélite. Chauveau provided him with all the necessary instructions and recommendations. But the poor boy, not very resourceful by nature, did not know how to take advantage of them, while another young compatriot, with no connections or recommendations, entered the career on the proper footing.

Vitoria, [this] 1 February 1809.

My dear mother,

I have just received several letters from you. I have also obtained one from the young de Laporte and one from Mr. Thinon. I am all the more astonished that young de Laporte has not been received as a vélite and that the young Auvray d'Appeville, with no other recommendation other than my name, has chosen the corps in which he wanted to serve and has been admitted to the artillery because he knew that I serve there. What should surprise you more is that there are no more vélites to be found in the artillery. However, I have received a letter from La Fère which announces the admission of this young Auvray. Young Delaporte must not have behaved properly.

First of all, I gave a letter to young Delaporte for the commander of the vélites, so that when he was received, he would be better treated and monitored in his instructions than the other vélites. Young Delaporte brought his letter, he wrote me, four days after my departure. Without papers and without a letter of admission, what use was this letter to him? Moreover, it was not for Mr. Bône to receive him as a vélite, but for Colonel Fusy, commander of the Military School, charged by His Majesty with receiving all the vélites and distributing them among the various corps of the Guard. I myself had sent Achille to the chasseurs à cheval, because I judged from his construction that Colonel Fusy would transfer him there, which is what made me write to Colonel Bône.

Achille did not follow my instructions, he addressed himself directly to Bône, an old German and hussar who only understood his job and who, not having the order that Achille should have had from Colonel Fusy to be received, simply told Achille to wait. In a word, the first person Achilles had to see was Colonel Fusy, and that is where he would have went with his papers in hand. On the other hand, I wanted to recommend him to the colonel of the chasseurs, but he was no longer in Madrid when I got there and now he is captured by the English. I am writing now, or rather I am going to write directly to His Excellency Marshal Bessières to recommend him.

From this moment onwards, I cannot guide poor Achille's steps, he has to fend for himself a little. He finds it surprising that they made it difficult for him to enter the military school. It's a barracks, the rule applies that no one is allowed to enter except on business, and then it's not written on his forehead who he is or what he wants. He should speak up and find out himself. If he had followed my instructions he would already have been admitted and would have spared me all the unpleasantness I am experiencing. You tell me that Achille still lives with Mr. [illegible]. As for me, I don't remember, and do you think that with the name of Mr. [illegible] alone one can find him in Paris?

I have not been able to write to you from Madrid, this is the only place where I have found a post office. I think I am returning to France, at least I have followed His Majesty here, that is to say His Majesty travelling fifty leagues a day and not [the usual] three or four, along with my artillery. I am waiting here for new orders. I cannot write to Mr. Thinon until tomorrow or the next day. How is my aunt? My respects to Madame Laporte and the ladies, to Monsieur and Madame Thinon, greetings to Sophie. I embrace you with all my heart.

Forward my letter to Mr. Thinon. CHAUVEAU.

Letter V

Vitoria, 23 February 1809.

Commander, you will assemble all your artillery at Vitoria on 4 March. You will wait for General Le Pic⁶ (sic) and you will travel with him, with your twelve pieces of artillery, to Tolosa, where you will remain until further notice.

If you anticipate that it would be useful to leave your ammunition in Vitoria, you will have it stored, except for twenty rounds per gun, which you will take with you. Otherwise, you will bring along your loaded caissons.

[Signed,] Marshal Bessières.

Afbeelding met tekst Automatisch gegenereerde beschrijving

Pelisse de grande tenue of squadron commander of the Horse Artillery of the Guard, worn from 1806 to 1812 by Colonel Chauveau (in dark blue cloth, braided and trimmed with gold, the fur is missing), belonging to Madame (widow) Lecomte, communicated by Mr. H. Defontaine in Le Carnet de la Sabretache.

Letter VI

Vitoria, [this] 23 February 1809.

Commander, all the detachments of grenadiers à cheval, chasseurs à cheval, dragoons, and elite gendarmerie which are placed under your orders, and which you had to quarter in the vicinity of Vitoria, will have to be returned to Vitoria on the evening of 4 March. You will wait there for General Le Pic and you will depart with him, with all your detachments and all your depots to proceed to Tolosa.

When General Le Pic arrives, you will from that moment be under his orders, and all your detachments will return to their respective corps.

[Signed,] Marshal Bessières.

Letter VII

To the commander of the cavalry depots of the Guard in Vitoria.

Bayonne, 20 March 1809.

In accordance with the order of the day of Mr. Marshal Bessières dated 6 March, I am sending you herewith, Monsieur le Commandant, orders for the gunners

Allot, of the 2nd Company,

Bouy, of the 4th Company,

who have behaved too irregularly to remain in the [Imperial] Guard. You are instructed that the arms and equipment of these men be withdrawn from them and that they be left with nothing but a bonnet de police, aiguillettes, a plain waistcoat and garnished trousers. These men will be granted their pay up to and including today; as for the remainder, as the paymaster does not carry it, the Board of Directors will pass it on to their regiment.

Colonel Major, Chief of Staff of the Artillery of the Guard, D'ABOVILLE.

I am surprised that Mr. Captain Lafond did not comply with my order which prescribed in sending back Trumpeter Lamare, to withdraw his pelisse from him, etc., etc.

Chauveau, back in France, fulfilled the functions of his rank at Amboise (Indre-et-Loire Department in central France) in April 1809; but he had to leave that very month to take part in the campaign of Austria...⁷

ACCOUNT OF THE MASSACRE OF MADRID

DRAWN FROM THE MANUSCRIPT MEMOIRS OF

MAJOR VANTAL DE CARRÈRE, ATTACHED TO THE

ARMY CORPS OF LIEUTENANT GENERAL DUPONT

On the evening of the 29th of April, we spotted a large group of people from the countryside in Madrid. The next day, the 30th and the 1st of May, another very large crowd of them also arrived. These mountaineers were robustly constituted; they bore, on their coarse and swarthy figures, the imprint of the most audacious brutality, and by this very fact were well suited to serve as blind instruments to those who had conspired to create the affair of 2 May. The number of these peasants has been estimated at nearly four thousand; from what I have seen, I don't think this is an exaggeration.

On the afternoon of the 1st of May, one could behold in all the streets of Madrid these coarse and foolish characters, poorly dressed, and most of them without stockings or shoes, taking a sort of pleasure in insulting the French. Having walked out for a moment with an officer of the 1st Legion, heading for the Plaza del Sol, by the street of Atocha, about halfway down this street, we crossed paths with two of these rustics who, when they were near us, shrugged their shoulders in contempt, and pushed insolence to the point of spitting in our faces... That same evening, at the Prado, some officers of the mamelukes owed their salvation only to their sabres: until then, there had been only partial provocations. But on 2 May, the mass of the population burst into resentment and rage...

... Either they sent a dispatch through all the streets of Madrid to inform them that the gauntlet had been thrown down, and that it was agreed upon that at eight or eight thirty they would begin to assault all the Frenchmen they met indiscriminately, or whether indignation alone produced a spontaneous movement, it is a fact that, almost at the same moment, in all parts of Madrid, Frenchmen were mercilessly slaughtered, without the military authorities being in any way informed of what was going on. It was only by chance that Prince Murat was warned by one of his aides-de-camp, Lagrange, whom he had sent to the Queen of Etruria to compliment her on her departure for France, that a revolt had erupted in the city. The Prince immediately mounted his horse...

Before the troops entered Madrid, I was still in the Royal Hospital and even in bed, for the doctor's consultation had hardly commenced.

About half past eight or nine o'clock in the morning of the same day, 2 May, I thought I heard the bell ringing in the hospital. Fearing that I was mistaken, I did not want to convey my thoughts to my comrades, when all of a sudden the noise became louder, and the sounds of the bells very rushed. I immediately jumped down from my bed, warning my neighbours that a fire had broken out in the hospital, being far from thinking that Madrid itself was burning, and that in a capital they would mercilessly slit the throats of men in their sickbeds. My warning earned me some bad jokes, which were short-lived; for the cries of 'murderer' were heard throughout the hospital. In an instant those who were able to walk were ready to leave; but out of thirty-six of us officers, eight or ten at most could stand.

Armed with our swords, we moved out as quickly as possible to join the men suffering from scabies and venereal diseases. Fortunately, there were quite a few of them. Their wards were on the ground floor, but communication was already intercepted by men armed with muskets, and we were very glad to have been able to get in early enough to barricade with our beds, which were made of iron, the door of our room, the thickness of which could defend us from the first blow of the hands of the wretches who, with no respect for religion or humanity, had dared to raise their arms to slit the throats of the ill, more than two-thirds of whom were unable to stand up.

It is not difficult to imagine the unfortunate situation in which the poor patients found themselves. The musket fire in the hospital caused us even greater anxiety, because we did not know whether the French in the hospital or the Spanish had seized the weapons belonging to the patients. We remained in this cruel state of uncertainty [for a while] when we saw, from our windows, cuirassiers galloping through the Atocha gate, which is adjacent to the Royal Hospital.

Their presence and the cannon which we were beginning to hear in the town reassured us a little, although the success of our troops would not have prevented the furious people who had armed themselves against the sick from exterminating them, if the captain of the Spanish guard, who paid for it with his own life, had not arranged for his troop to join the French guard in dispersing the wretches who wanted to slit the throats of the sick entrusted to their care.

The musket fire in the hospital having subsided, we climbed up on to our windows to see what was going on. To our great satisfaction we noticed that the two officers on duty, Spanish and French, were returning the sick to their rooms and the Spaniards to their quarters, taking care to disarm the latter, who were simply our nurses, cooks, practitioners, etc., all of whom were employed in the hospital and who served us. From then on we moved back our beds, and the officers who were able to walk proceeded to the guardhouse, where in less than half an hour a battalion of about eight or nine hundred men of all arms was organized, some still dressed in their black, battered shirts, but all well armed and determined to sell their lives dearly. The senior captain took command of this battalion, and immediately divided it in such a way as to garrison the street of Atocha, the gate of the same name, and the entrance to the Prado, where there were no troops; for it was not until an hour after the formation of this battalion, hastily made up of soldiers from different corps, that a detachment of one hundred infantrymen arrived to guard the hospital.

... When our sick headed to the (weapon) depots, they found the Spaniards employed in the building, numbering three or four hundred, not including others who were supposed to be sick, who had joined them, already in control of eighteen or twenty muskets; and it was only by the promptness of our soldiers and their courage that they managed to drive the Spaniards out of the storerooms, of which we remained the masters...

By half-past three in the afternoon, order was more or less restored... How, in the capital of a civilised nation, could it be conceived that there was not a force capable of preserving, from the fury of the people, the ill who were lying in hospital? I cannot hide the fact that this is to give in to the excesses that we have the right to reproach the most barbaric nations with. But these people, blinded by national resentment, were without a leader who could manage them.

We had about one hundred and twenty to one hundred and thirty wounded men whom I observed being led to the hospital; and from what I hear, it seems that we had about one hundred men killed. The Spaniards lost nearly fifteen hundred men.⁸

REMARKS ON THE ANDALUSIA CAMPAIGN (1808),

BY CHARLES L'HÉRITIER, LIEUTENANT AT THE ROYAL HOTEL OF INVALIDS, FORMER FOURRIER⁹ OF THE SECOND COMPANY OF VOLTIGEURS OF THE REGIMENT OF THE PARIS GUARD

Report addressed to General Dupont, 23 October 1826.

My General,

Your Excellency having deigned to ask me for some details on the Regiment of the Paris Guard, which, in 1808, formed part of the 2nd Observation Corps of the Gironde under his orders in Spain, and having appeared to wish to be informed at the same time of my services, I am honoured to submit to him details which will remind him of the facts of this campaign and of the evasion from the hulks at Cadiz. This letter will be concluded by a short account relating to the Campaign of 1815, in which I received the wounds which deprived me of the honour of serving my King and my country.

The two regiments of the Paris Guard had, each, a battalion in the Army of Germany, when in 1807 the second battalions, in garrison in Paris, were designated to form part of your army corps. They formed a force of about 1,100 men, whose command was given to Mr. Estève, major of the 1st Regiment. The 1st Battalion was under the orders of Mr. Major Bernelle, and that of the 2nd Regiment was led by Mr. chef de bataillon Parsis. These battalions had been reinforced at the beginning of the year by men drawn from the conscription; the cadres and the core of the companies were made up of former soldiers. The 2nd Regiment adopted the white uniform at this point; the 1st Regiment, dressed in green, kept its original uniform.

In compliance with the orders of the Minister of War, these two battalions left their garrison on 15 October 1807, and were directed towards Bayonne, where they arrived on 19 November, animated by such a good spirit that one could hardly count twenty men left behind after a march of two hundred leagues. On the 23rd, the regiment crossed the Bidassoa, spent the night at Irun, and on the 4th of December arrived at Vitoria, where the troops of the 1st Division were assembled. There, the army corps having been organized, the Paris Guard and the 3rd Reserve Legion commanded by Mr. Major Delenne, formed the 1st Brigade under the orders of Mr. General Pannetier. This brigade set out on the march on December 22, to travel to Burgos. Directed then towards Valladolid, it arrived there on January 15, 1808.

Nearly two months had passed since the French troops occupied this town, and this time had been used to instruct them, when Your Excellency ordered a general review which was conducted, I believe, on the 12th of March. That day was marked by an unfortunate event: General Malher, having placed himself in front of the 1st Brigade at the moment when the last manoeuvres were being carried out, was hit by a ramrod that had been accidently left in the musket barrel of a soldier who served in the 3rd Legion. A few days before, a detachment of 300 former soldiers who had been at the siege of Danzig and who had remained at the depot, having for the most part expressed a desire to serve in the Spanish campaign under your orders, joined the regiment at Valladolid, which brought its strength to 1,395 men. We left this city on March 14, to proceed to Tordesillas, the road to Salamanca. Your Excellency then ordered us to march on Madrid.

The Spaniards, not very pleased with the expedition ordered by the French government, were beginning to express a rather unfriendly attitude towards the troops occupying their territory. The inhabitants of the countryside withdrew hastily at our approach, although no exactions had been committed. The army paid exactly for all articles of consumption which did not form part of the allotted field provisions; no violence had been inflicted. Our conduct was that which we should hold with regard to a nation with which we were expressly enjoined to live on good terms; theirs, on the contrary, announced distrust and discontent. A political storm seemed to be forming: the rumour spread through