Conspiracy of Silence: Deception, Hypocrisy, and Bloodshed Under Muhammadu Buhari

By Azukaoma Uche Osakwe

Nigeria is rife with divisions, particularly between Christians and Muslims.

Both groups aim at converting others, and so they are in direct conflict with each other. The bitterness came to a head when Goodluck Jonathan, a Christian, succeeded his former boss, Musa Yar’Adua, upon his death. Jonathan would serve as president from 2010 to 2015.

The northern oligarchy was infuriated because they depended on rent and patronage, which they knew would not be feasible under a Christian president. They employed every tactic they could to destabilize his regime, and in 2015, he lost the presidential election to the former military head of state, Gen. Muhammadu Buhari.

In this book, the author lays out how politics in Nigeria is no longer based on what politicians can do for the community. Rather, the focus is on what they can do for themselves. There is no more catching fish for God. The religion they follow is based on stealing from the people.

Buhari was presented as an agent of change, but his seven years in charge have only brought pain, bloodshed, anarchy, and more turmoil. Something must be done to move Nigeria away from the precipice.

Praise for Conspiracy of Silence

“Azukaoma Uche Osakwe’s book is another in a growing list of sad narratives on the failure of leadership in Nigeria under the leadership of Muhammadu Buhari's Administration. The book painstakingly combs through the many ills of Nigerian society under Buhari and the collapse of such institutions as the police, army, electoral body, government officials and the various ethnic nationalities. He accuses these people of conspiring to stay mum amid terrible governance. The author charges the citizenry, as well as the Igbo Nation, which, he says, are marginalized, to buckle up and take what remains of their destiny in their own hands.”
—Jude Atupulazi, editor-in-chief, Fides Newspaper, Awka, Nigeria

“Conspiracy of Silence ... this book must necessarily take a long title. It would indeed, be difficult to capture the Muhammadu Buhari era as president of Nigeria with an elegantly titled book. The simple reason is that the Buhari tenure was devoid of neither elegance nor finesse. Conspiracy of Silence encapsulates this rather dark epoch in fine detail – warts and all. It’s a racy report of Africa’s giant caught in the vice grips of mediocrity and mendacity in equal measures. It's stranger than fiction!”
—Steven Osuji, columnist and former member of the editorial board, The Nation, Nigeria

• Language: English
• Publisher: AuthorHouse UK
• Release date: Aug 28, 2022
• ISBN: 9781728374499

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© 2022 Azukaoma Uche Osakwe. All rights reserved.

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Published by AuthorHouse  08/25/2022

ISBN: 978-1-7283-7450-5 (sc)

ISBN: 978-1-7283-7448-2 (hc)

ISBN: 978-1-7283-7449-9 (e)

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CONTENTS

Dedication

Foreword

Foreword-1

Preface

Acknowledgements

Introduction

Part I: Muhammadu Buhari’s Fulanisation of Nigeria

Chapter 1     The Conspiracy of Silence under Muhammadu Buhari

Part II: Lawlessness, Failed State and Politics of Restructuring in Nigeria

Chapter 2     End Games: Nation of Lawlessness

Chapter 3     The Burden of Memory

Chapter 4     The Rivers of Blood

Part III: The State of The Nation

Chapter 5     The Politics of Debauchery and Nationalism Narrative

Chapter 6     Remaking of Nigeria in the Eyes of Nnamdi Kanu

Chapter 7     The Crisis of Nigerian States: The Reluctant Citizens

Chapter 8     The Burden of Governance: Elite Conundrum

Bibliography

DEDICATION

This book is dedicated to almighty God for His goodness and kindness to me. God’s mercy and grace have shone over me. To men and women who cherish peace and justice. To future generations who deserve to know the truth in the absence of the teaching of Nigerian history in our primary and secondary schools. To my late dad and mum, Pa Ignatius Onyehara and Ezinne Emelda Osakwe, my late sister, Romanda Okpodike, and my brother’s late wife, Mrs Ngozi Osakwe. May their souls continue to rest in peace. Also, to Igbo men and women who died fighting oppression, marginalisation, and injustice, you are all martyrs.

Those who mismanage our affairs would silence our criticism by pretending

they have facts not available to the rest of us. And I know it is fatal

to engage them on their own ground. Our best weapon against them

is not to marshal facts, of which they are truly managers, but passion.

Passion is our hope and strength, a very present help in trouble.

Chinua Achebe

FOREWORD

Ndigbo, a blessed tribe, is widespread, not only in Africa but worldwide. Anthropologists are still researching our origin, our ancient and modem history and locations. Ndigbo, meaning Igbo people, are found, majorly in present day Nigeria in the following states: Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu, Imo (100%).

They are in Rivers State (60%) and in Delta (40%). Small populations can be found in Edo, Akwa Ibom, Cross River, Kogi, Benue and Bayelsa states. They have been in these states from time immemorial. Outside Nigeria, Ndigbo can be found to be indigenous in Ghana, Kenya and the Southern African countries. Igbo people are second in the demographics of Equitorial Guinea. The end of the slave trade led to Igbo people being resettled in Liberia and Sierra Leone where Igbo presidents have emerged. Igbo people can be found in Haiti, Caribbean countries and of course the Eastern seaboard of the USA. Gabon is a home to Ndigbo because of the Biafra war.

Today, Ndigbo can be found in all the states of Nigeria in large numbers with Lagos and Abuja having very high populations.

One of the endearing qualities of the Igbo person is hard work. He strives a lot with the aim of achieving a good life. He is positive minded. He loves education and enlightenment. The average Igbo person is family oriented, unabashed in his Igboness, seeks justice and fair play and he is religious. 99% of Ndigbo are Christians while the remaining 1% are spread among Traditional African Religion, Judaism and Islam.

This book describes the Igbo person in the Nigeria of today, his travails, his triumph, heartache and expectations. The Igbo person is not easily intimidated by the obstacles of today. His DNA shows a long line of conflicts and determination to succeed.

I can say, without any fear of contradiction, that Ndigbo are truly blessed by the almighty God.

The author, an indefatigable Igbo man, has done a lot of work in this book. He has also written other books, which will enlighten the reader on Ndigbo. This is very relevant in today’s world where Ndigbo can be found in all parts of the world. The young ones need answer to the question: Who is the Igbo person?

Chief Goddy Uwazurike (Ide). A lawyer. [e-mail]. Former President of Aka Ikenga, an Ohanaeze chieftain and currently, the president of Credibility Group.

FOREWORD-1

I am Anthony Ejiofor, a recently retired professor of Industrial Microbiology and Biotechnology. I had 38 years of experience teaching and research in this field in various parts of the world including Europe, Africa, Israel and North America. More importantly and in respect of this foreword, I have been a leader, speaker, organizer and motivator in Igbo affairs since 1983, especially in light of the circumstances of the Igbo in the Nigerian environment. I am currently the Executive Chairman of the World Igbo Congress, an affiliate-based organization proactively engaged in protecting the interest of the Igbo in the Diaspora. I represent the organization in the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) of the United Nations.

This book is an unputdownable for one who seeks the truth about the different strokes for different people in Nigeria that has worsened since the end of the Biafran war and has indeed, become devilish under the present government of General Muhammadu Buhari.

My pursuit of Igbo wellbeing placed Azukaoma Uche Osakwe, the author of this book, Conspiracy of Silence, Deception, Hypocrisy and Bloodshed Under Muhammadu Buhari in my path. In the course of our interactions, I saw the passion and fire that burn in him as he yearns for justice, equity and fair play for his people, the Igbo in Nigeria. Dr. Osakwe has laced the entire book with this passion and his pain is palpable in light of the raw deal his people are receiving from the hands of successive governments in Nigeria. His love for his people is genuine. Indeed, it is hard to strike up a conversation with Dr. Osakwe without prompting a flight of chronological rendition of the suffering of the Igbo in Nigeria before, during and after the Nigeria-Biafra war. My first and sustained impression of him is that the Igbo have a leader in him, one who would sacrifice anything for the emancipation of his people.

The book essentially and diagnostically captured the bane of Nigeria as a country zeroing in on poor leadership and mundane and ignoble practices as contributory characteristics that fractured what would, otherwise, be a robust country and a shining pride of the black world. You cannot miss the masterful diagnosis that laid the foundation of a beautiful and easy-to-read book. Sometimes, people read books of these theme based on their interests in the people about whom it is written. I find this book compelling even for a dispassionate reader who is looking for untainted and unembellished narrative of the Nigeria situation, especially, as it affects the Igbo

As one who experienced the war in 1967/70, and have read a long list of books on the Nigerian experiment and the war, I did not imagine that there are still untold aspects of the story until I read the book. Dr. Osakwe is certainly very meticulous in digging up useful information that would, otherwise fall through the cracks. Dr. Osakwe captured, with great clarity, the kitchen table issues that yoke the Nigerian of today. They ranged from the lack of services that people in others parts of the world take for granted to basic necessities need for life sustenance. He pointed out the abysmal hunger situation, the abject squalor, the mind-boggling insecurity and the pathological helplessness of the governments in the face of all these. The book also highlighted how all these have gotten worse under the administration of General Buhari who has demonstrated baffling incompetence after he campaigned in 2015 on being an agent of discipline and change. Dr. Osakwe brought his incisive and analytical mind to bear on the sorry state of insecurity and the outright despotic clampdown of the administration on the rights of its citizens to protest injustice and agitate for self-determination as declared by the UN in 2007.

Buhari’s inability to reign in his kinsmen, the notorious killer Fulani Herdsmen and the terrorist Boko Haram leaves a sour taste in the mouth and it is thoroughly captured in the book. Furthermore, the book paints a clear image of the inept and draconian handling of recent public unrests such as the #ENDSARS with the attendant extra judicial killings as an archetypical governing style of this administration.

In the final analysis, Dr. Osakwe captured the need for a new constitution for Nigeria that will guarantee participation of the over 400 ethnic nationalities in Nigeria in deciding their governance system. It demands the restructuring of the system to ensure that no group is marginalized and everyone has a sense of ownership of the union and the resources therein.

I would recommend this book as a top-flight resource for information on the machinations that led to the civil war in Nigeria, on how not to run a country and how to provide services and generate harmony among all demographic, ethnic and religious groups.

Dear reader, I am writing this forward because I saw the authority and clarity with which Dr. Osakwe delivered the desired information. I also believe that this book will encourage burgeoning critics and public commentators to take deep interests on how to create a better society with better democratic norms. I am convinced that time and resources invested in this

Image74789.PNG

Professor Anthony Ejiofor

…that light is come into the world, and men loved darkness rather than light, because their deeds were evil. For everyone that doeth evil hateth the light, lest his deeds should be reproved. But he that doeth truth cometh to the light, that his deed may be made manifest, that they wrought in God (John 3: 19 – 21).

PREFACE

This work is about Nigeria. It tells the story of how Nigeria has fallen from grace to grass. Nigeria has been struggling since independence in 1960 despite its enormous human and natural resources. Some schools of thought have attributed it to bad leadership, ethno-religious divide, and incipient nonchalant followership.

This work states that it is a combination of all the issues. However, much the onus lies on pragmatic leadership. Nigeria since independence has not been blessed with visionary and foresighted leaders who are selfless, not tainted by ethnicity, religion, nepotism, favouritism, and corruption. Unfortunately, Nigeria is yet to be lucky like Ghana under JJ Rawlings or South Africa under Nelson Mandela. Regrettably, Nigerian leaders, past and present, have been pedestrian, ethnic jingoist, religious zealots, lacking in vision, foresight, and patriotism to move the country forward and unite all different ethnic nationalities. Suffice to assert that Nigerian leaders, past and present, have been indifferent to the unity, progress, and development of the country. There has not been any meaningful effort on their part to unite and develop the country.

There is lack of mutual respect and harmony among the main ethnic groups in Nigeria. It is this lack of trust that have led to suspicion and hatred among them.

Again, predatory behaviour by one of the three main ethnic groups in Nigeria has led to backwardness and underdevelopment in the country. The hegemony and superiority claim by Hausa/Fulani ethnic group have been responsible for the lack of progress and development in Nigeria. They have produced more presidents and heads of state than any other ethnic group in Nigeria. The Hausa/Fulani ethnic group claimed that they are born to rule. They have maintained that narrative since post-independence Nigeria. It is this predatory behaviour that caused the Nigerian/Biafran War, 1967-70.

This work examines Muhammadu Buhari’s inept leadership, favouritism, nepotism, and religious bigotry. His insipient leadership and erosion of the federal character principle have led to the concentration of power in his ethnic and religious group. His 97/5 percent arithmetic has led to the marginalisation of the Igbo nation in his six-year-old government. He has schemed out Ndi Igbo from his inner security arrangements and appointments to sensitive positions in Nigeria. Ndi Igbo remains a pawn on the political chess board in Buhari’s government.

Buhari’s inept leadership has led to poor democratic culture in Nigeria. INEC which should serve as impartial umpires have become an extension of the presidency. Every institution in Nigeria has been eroded under Buhari’s watch. The legislature which should act as a watchdog to the executives are populated by Buhari’s apologists. The budgets are no longer scrutinised, and appointments are not vetted as done in presidential system of government. The judiciary arm which should be the last hope of the ordinary man and beacon of hope to Nigerians has been compromised under Buhari. The judges are intimidated and harassed by agents of Buhari to give judgement in their favour. The judges who refuse to toe the line by acceding to reprehensible promptings of the Executive arm are tainted with frivolous charges to get rid of them. As a result, many progressive judges have been removed or pushed to resign.

Under Buhari’s watch, corruption has become institutionalised and made to be a way of life. Buhari promised Nigerians that it will not be business as usual if he gets elected. However, under his watch, corruption became rife. Every institution of the government is given the licence to do as it pleases. News of how money suddenly grows wings and disappear are common under Buhari’s administration. Agencies responsible for investigation, arrest and prosecution of public officers who corruptly enrich themselves have been politicised. The EFCC, CCT, and ICPC are being used as political tools to fight political opponents, and to carry out a political vendetta against enemies, real and perceived.

Besides inept leadership and nepotism, Nigerians are suffering because of Buhari’s misrule, lack of foresight and his poor handling of the economy. Many Nigerians can no longer eat three square meals; they eat once or twice a day. Most Nigerians have resorted to using garri and groundnuts as their breakfast, lunch, and dinner. Even at that, garri considered by many Nigerians as a staple food is no longer affordable as the price has skyrocketed above the reach of the common man. It was this state of hunger in Nigeria that led the global watchdog to label Nigeria the poverty capital of the world.

Under Buhari’s watch, insecurity and infrastructural decay became the new normal. There is infrastructure deficit and insecurity in Nigeria. Buhari promised Nigerians a better infrastructural development such as good roads, portable water, regular electricity, affordable housing, and improved health care system during his presidential campaign. Alas, after five years of Buhari’s administration, NEPA became moribund and was assigned a comic description Never Expect Power Always. As a result of NEPA’s failure as a reliable source of power supply in the country, Nigerians rely on power generating sets for their power supply. There is no house in Nigeria without a power generating set, thereby compounding the climate crisis. On the issue of road transportation, it is fair to assert that, Nigerian roads are death-traps. Many roads are unpassable and unmotorable thereby causing untold hardship both to the people and vehicles. Many Nigerians have lost their lives because of the state of Nigerian roads. The moving of goods from one place to another is a big task, as trailers and tankers spend days on the roads to convey their cargoes. As a result, perishable goods being conveyed by road end up perishing before they arrive at their intended destination. The issue of falling containers being conveyed by trailers is rampant and has resulted in the untimely death of many road users. On portable water, public water supply is non-existent in the country resulting in many Nigerians relying on bore-hole water as their main source of water supply. Every year federal government budgets billions of naira for water resources, yet there is no functional public tap all over the country. There are dilapidated houses all over Nigeria from estates built in the 80s to military and police quarters, most of these houses are no longer habitable. They pose serious health and safety hazards to the occupants.

And government is not doing anything to alleviate the suffering of Nigerians; at least, by providing affordable housing, portable water, and regular power supply. Most public and private sector workers live on the mercy of greedy landlords. There is no policy in place to provide affordable housing for ordinary Nigerians. On affordable health care, Buhari promised Nigerians that he will end health care tourism. Unfortunately, under Buhari’s watch, health care tourism is booming in the country for who can afford it. Buhari spends months in the United Kingdom’s hospital getting first-rate treatment for undisclosed ailments with taxpayers’ money.

Under Buhari’s watch, the issue of security has worsened. Nigeria has become a killing field perpetuated by Fulani herdsmen and Islamic terrorist groups. The much-hyped Buhari’s promise to end Boko Haram in six months and restore law and order has become an empty promise. It was a political game meant to remove Goodluck Jonathan from government and to install a Fulani government that will pay a lip service to terrorism. We were told that Boko Haram had been defeated, but Boko Haram has become more adventurous and daring. The Northeast is no longer safe for both ordinary Nigerians and her military personnel. Life in Nigeria has become nasty, brutish, and short. Security in Nigeria has deteriorated under Buhari’s government. Nigerians are confronted daily with the menace of Fulani herdsmen, razing non-Fulani communities and forcefully occupying lands, and the vicious kidnapping acts by Islamic terrorist groups. Emboldened by a total lack of consequence and indeed tacit support by President Buhari, the Fulani herdsmen have intensified their criminal activities across all regions in Nigeria. The Fulani herdsmen were described by the World Terrorists Index as the third deadliest terrorist group in sub-Saharan Africa. This group has been maiming, killing, and raping innocent Nigerians. They are equally involved in extortion, kidnapping and abduction of innocent men and women. They have invaded villages and destroyed farmlands. They brazenly go about with deadly weapons like the AK-47 and other types of assault rifles. Yet, the Nigeria security establishment turns a blind eye to their nefarious activities. They apparently operate under the cover of government protection. Unfortunately, in Nigeria, it is beginning to seem that the fear of Fulani herdsmen is the beginning of wisdom. The Fulani herdsmen have become a nightmare to many farming communities in Nigeria.

Still on the issue of security, the story of the worsening security situation in Nigeria cannot be complete without mentioning the problem of police brutality. The Nigerian police who are supposed to the friends of the masses have rather become enemies of the people. The police, unfortunately, allowed themselves to become a conduit for corrupt practices. The police are heavily involved in extorting money from the masses and the extrajudicial killing of innocent Nigerians. The police special unit called SARS (Special Anti-Robbery Squad) recently came to the attention of Nigerians and the world because of the #EndSARS protest that led to the disbandment of the unit. The Unit was set up to fight organised crimes in Nigeria, instead of doing what they were established to do, SARS became law unto itself. They killed, maimed, and dispossessed Nigerians of their properties. They extrajudicially execute their victims without recourse to judicial processes. SARS impunity was elevated to internal terror as those who complained were arrested and tortured for speaking out against SARS. But like every human endeavour, those who make peaceful change impossible are constrained to have change by violent means. Hence, it was not surprising when the masses all over Nigeria rose against the activities of SARS and took the bull by the horn. Nigerians from all works of life took to the street to protest the dysfunctional nature of SARS and called for the scrapping of the police unit. The aftermath of the demonstration led to the brutal killing of innocent youths, men and women across Nigeria, from Lekki Toll Gate to Obigbo in Rivers State.

The conspiracy of silence is down to the conspiracy of the political elite to remain silent in the face of serious national issues. The political class are guilty of the woes that have befallen Nigeria today. Instead of Nigerian speaking and acting in unison against the Buhari’s incompetency to manage the nation’s affairs, what you hear is, it does not concern me, it is not my father’s property, he is Igbo, Yoruba, or Hausa/Fulani, why should I worry about his plight? Why should I bother if the Christians are killed in Southern Kaduna? Why should I worry my head if Muslims are mowed down in the Northeast? There is lack of empathy and unity among Nigerians. Instead of Nigerians political and religious leaders and elite to condemn evil, they are busy playing ethnoreligious and childish politics. Evil should be seen as evil. No Nigeria should die like a fowl no matter his religious and ethnic affiliation., Also, the pull him down syndrome has become a norm in Nigeria that is militating against the progress and unity of the nation. If you not from the favoured ethnic/religious group, your invention will not be recognised, encouraged nor supported. Because the man in charge will not want the credit to go the ethnic group that is not his own. Hence, Nigeria remains a primitive and consumerist society instead of producing and exporting nation.

Furthermore, most members of the entire political class are hypocrites, they are silent in the face of injustice so long as they are benefitting. They only cry when they are not favoured in the sharing of the national cake. The national cake is shared by political class and who invariably produces the rentier class who feed on the rent; and distributed same to clientele patrons and hangers-on at detriment of the people who are starved of social welfare and goods of democracy. Nepotism is a licence to employment and appointments in the country. Appointments based on merit is buried while the mediocre run vital government institutions. The result is failure upon failure of government institutions to perform. The Bible says a blind man cannot lead a blind man. It is only in Nigeria that blind man leads the blind man. If you have Abraham as nna (father), you can become the CEO of NNPC without the prerequisite qualification and experience. The federal character principle does not matter if some ethnic groups are benefiting. Nigeria is no longer for all but for few privileged individuals. The same story holds true from the Federal to the State and from the State to the Local Government. Politics is no longer an avenue to serve the people but an avenue to make money. That is why you see a Local Government Council Chairman, or a state legislator become stupendously rich after his/her tenure in office. As a result of concern for their safety, elected officials in the country surround themselves with mobile policemen and Kirikiri wall to evade the people. Instead of being the true representatives of the people, they make themselves king. They are the masters, and we are the servants.

The believe that life is precious no longer holds true in Nigeria. The death of a Nigerian should be a concern to the government of Nigeria irrespective of his/her creed, race, tongue, or tribe. But in Nigeria it means nothing to the government. People die every day; people are kidnapped daily; everyday people disappear without trace. The police who are invested with the authority to investigate and bring culprits to book are handicapped by lack of modern equipment, even when funding is made available it ends up the hands of few ogas, who siphoned such. Even the police in most cases, turn a blind eye to some of these crimes as there are different laws for the rich and for the poor. If you are poor, you are already condemned, because you may not have money for bail or to bribe the officer in charge of your case. Nigerian police stations and the judiciary operate on a cash and carry basis. The much-vaunted campaign that bail is free is not applicable in Nigeria. Criminality thrives in Nigeria because the rich can always buy themselves out; and in most cases, the table will turn on the victim who will pay dearly for reporting a crime committed against him/her by a rich individual. Thus, making the hunter to become the hunted.

Another nightmare in Nigeria is the activities of the Nigerian army. The Nigerian army has become an agent of death. Everywhere in the world, the army respect the rules of engagement. They are trained to respect civil authority. They are trained not to engage in civil disputes and to be always neutral. It is not applicable in Nigeria. The man in khaki kills innocent civilians at the slightest provocation.

Every Nigerian has a right to protest within the law. However, the rights of citizens to protest are trampled upon by the government with the aid of the army. The military were created to defend Nigeria against external aggression and invasion. They were not employed to kill defenceless citizens either because they are pushing an ideology which is contrary to the government of the day, or they hold opinions that government perceives as detrimental to its survival. Take the case of IPOB which are seeking for self-determination of the Igbo nation. The IPOB has the right to pursue their goals under the United Nations’ instruments of self-determination. It is the duty of the government to convince them to drop the idea. In most cases, the government do enter dialogue with the hierarchy of such an organisation to develop working relationship that will promote peace and harmony. But Buhari’s government prefer insecticide rather than deodorant. They prefer war instead of jaw-jaw. The killing of defenceless members of IPOB in many parts of Igboland by the military is wrong; an act which ought to be condemned by well-meaning Nigerians. You cannot beat a child and at the same time ask the child not to cry. The agitation by IPOB was because of the marginalisation being meted to Ndi Igbo in Nigeria. Ndi Igbo have been reduced from being the power brokers to playing second fiddle in Nigeria. Ndi Igbo have become an appendage in Nigeria because their numerical strength and number of states and local governments were deliberately reduced against that of other zones. The implication is that Ndi Igbo cannot influence policies because less representation in the National Assembly means less numerical strength. Also, less states and local governments mean less money from Revenue Mobilisation. The distorted census figure and creation of states were skewed against Igbo nation. IPOB led by Nnamdi Kanu is agitating to restore the dignity of Igbo man and women in Nigeria. His message is simple, if you cannot allow a level playing ground where an Igbo man and woman can thrive, then let my people go.

Although some Igbo school of thought are of the opinion that in as much as Ndi Igbo are being marginalised, that secession is not the best option. They believe that Ndi Igbo have properties all over Nigeria and it would be a serious setback for Igbo if another war should happen having suffered setbacks during the Nigeria/Biafran war. For example, some state in South-South confiscated Igbo property and called it abandoned property, change some Igbo communities from Obigbo to Oyigbo etc. because of political expediency.

Another school of thought believe that a restructured Nigeria where every region will be independent of the centre is the best option. Each unit can develop according to their capacity. The rat race of who will be president will become subdued, resource control should be an exclusive preserve of the region that produce it and then pay taxes to the centre. They are equally pushing for true federalism as practiced in countries with divergent and contentious history. In whatever lens we may view it, the rights to free speech should be respected. The rights of the people to determine their association should be respected. The rights of indigenous people to determine what is good or bad for them must be respected. Using the military to suppress them is draconian.

Therefore, the book calls for Igbo elite to wake up from their slumber, and instead of waiting for federal government to provide employment to the teeming population of Igbo youths, they should team up with private sectors both at home and abroad to develop AlaIgbo on the matter of security, Igbos should follow the step taken by the Southwest in establishing internal security to protect themselves. Dee Sam Mbakwe did not wait for federal government’s assistance when he made a mark in entire Imo state. Most of the edifice he built are there till date.

Again, Nigeria under Buhari should seek the path of dialogue and peace, instead of using bare knuckle approach against those who do not share his sentiment. The Nigerian government should apologise to the Igbo for their act of genocide committed against them during the Nigeria/Biafra war. Do as Rwanda did. Erect memorial to atone the death of innocent men and women whose lives were taken away by both the senseless killing of Igbo in the aftermath of the counter coup of 1966 and the atrocities committed by Nigerian military during and after the war. The teaching of Nigerian history should help to educate Nigerians on what transpired during the war in unambiguous and unbiased narratives. From there, this generation will know the truth, and the truth will set us all free.

Furthermore, identity polarisation and scapegoating should be de-emphasised. We should identify those issues that have been at the heart of Nigeria underdevelopment and address them irrespective of whose ox is gored. We should stop looking for scapegoats but build Nigeria as a country of our dream.

Also, discrimination in whatever form should be deemphasised and jettisoned. The issue of a Nigerian being discriminated against on account of where he was born, live and pay tax should be consigned to the dustbin. It is retrogressive and philistine. The continued distinction between indigenes and settlers should no longer be relevant in Nigeria. The colonial that created indigene and settler dichotomy is archaic. The so-called sabongari in some part of the northern Nigeria is backward and should be replaced with place of residence. This sabongari has created a gulf between indigeneship and settlership. The settlers are regarded as second citizens who have no right to contest election, build a place of worship, pursue legitimate business, get appointment to civil service position, or represent the state in federal level even though he pays his tax regularly. We note that the Ahmadu Bello’s Northernisation agenda in 1960s was still relevant today even though the 1979 Constitution did not state that there are two levels of citizenship: one for indigenes and the other for settlers. But politicians defined their own citizenship for their own selfish interest.

The same is equally applicable to freedom of religion. In as much as Nigerians are regarded as a religious people, and the country is regarded as a secular nation. It is imperative for government to respect freedom of worship. The government should not promote any religion or adopt any religion as a state religion, even if the people in that state is 99 per cent Christians or Muslims. Doing so is to promote discrimination against the other remaining one percent. That Nigeria is regarded a secular state, does not mean that we are a soulless nation without God. The idea of secularism was to protect minorities against the majority because one can become a majority or minority in any given time. If a Muslim moves from Sokoto to Imo state, he/she will become a minority. Even in some states, there are minority Catholic in a predominantly Christian state, reason being that the majority there are Anglican. So, secularism will safeguard everyone in Nigeria. The same treatment is being meted out against the Shia in a predominantly Sunni Muslim state. The idea of Pentecostal pastors and reverend fathers burning shrines should also be stopped. These are cultural heritages of some people in Igboland. They are not evil as they want us to believe, but ignorance promoted by white mentality.

Equally, destructive narratives should be avoided. There have been negative narratives against Igbo in Nigeria. Such statements like Igbo love money, Igbo are ritual killers, Igbo are drug peddlers, Igbo can betray their own for the sake of money are subtle forms of inciting discrimination and hatred against the Igbo. These narratives have gained currency among Nigerians and even some Igbo too. Media in Nigeria, especially the Lagos-Ibadan axis have been used to defame and denigrate Ndi Igbo in Nigeria. Also, Kaduna based media outlets see Igbo as problem or troublemakers in Nigeria. This single story has been used to dehumanise humanity and cause dissatisfaction among friends, families, and foes. The genocide in Rwanda was the reason of disinformation and denigration of Tutsi by Hutu. The Nazi Germany employed the same tactics against the Jews that led to horrible killing of Jews. In Nigeria, it was used by Hausa/Fulani political elite during the first coup by Nigerian Army majors to paint Igbo people as the aggressors, who were poised to perpetually dominate them in Nigeria. The narrative was that Igbo political elite held meeting to eliminate all other regions’ military officers in the army and the political elite of Northern Nigeria stock, to pave way for Igbo total domination and pre-eminence in Nigeria. But all these narratives were false. It was an Igbo man that refused to accept the authority of the coupists.

Another negative narrative is, Hausa/Fulani are uncivilised, power conscious, power drunk, fundamentalists, etc. Yoruba are cowards, double faced, saboteurs, gold diggers, 419ers, card fraudsters, manipulators etc. These are single stories. There are good Yoruba people as there are bad; there are good Igbo people, and there are bad Igbo people. The same goes for Hausa-Fulani and other tribes. What is in the house of oke, is also at the home of oguna. We should not make the same mistakes twice in Nigeria. News as I said spread like a wild harmattan fire. We should aim to balance information especially in sensitive issues that promote national cohesion, peace, and unity rather than what will entrench division amongst us.

In conclusion, the continued existence of Nigeria as a country depends on the actions and the willingness of the leaders to take the right steps in uniting the country and to ensure equal treatment of all citizens regardless of religion and/or ethnicity. Nigerian political elite should take a radical step in constituting a Sovereign National Conference that all ethnic groups will participate to fashion a people-oriented constitution. The present constitution was drafted by the military and was not subjected to referendum, making it a nullity and void. Modern democracy is all about the people. Let the people define the kind of union they want and how their relationship will be. The present system is unwieldy and tends to benefit only few Nigerians. If the present system is still in place, nothing good will come out of Nigeria. Because Nigerians see Nigeria as a gateway to enrich themselves without any loyalty, attachment, and patriotism. Most Nigerians see their ethnic group first, religion second and Nigeria last. Pretending or continuing to patch the cracks wall is injustice to humanity and unborn children. The earlier the better. Like the Igbo say, make hay while the sun shines, meaning: choo ewu ojii ka chi di.

The book is divided into three main sections. The first part is an introduction, and an examination of Muhammadu Buhari’s fulanisation policy and inept leadership, conspiracy of silence on national burning issues and how his government has institutionalised corruption in Nigeria through neopatrimonialism and nepotism. Part Two deals with the lawlessness, failed state, and the politics of restructuring in Nigeria, and how a giant of Africa suddenly becomes a sleeping giant. Using the feedback and assessment of Nigeria’s failed state status and politics of restructuring from Part Two, the Third Part provides exhaustive challenges that bedevil Nigerian state.

Following this introductory chapter, Chapter 2 examines end games: the nation of lawlessness, underdevelopment, and insecurity in Nigeria. It also looks at blame game politics politicians play in Nigeria and examines the impact of human rights abuses and how Buhari’s authoritarian rule has militarised Nigerians. The chapter also discusses Buhari’s APC scorecard and how his bogus promises influence the socio-economic and political path of Nigeria.

Chapter 3 is an analysis of burden of memory. It also looks at Igbo politicians and how their naïve approaches become a drawback to Igbo marginalisation. It also discusses Igbo aimless leadership and lack of united front among themselves and how it has deprived Igbo nation speaking with one voice on national issues.

Chapter 4 of this book analyses rivers of blood in Nigeria. It examines the trail of bloodshed that has enveloped the nation. It questions Buhari’s lacks empathy and how his policy of giving priority to cows has rub off sacredness of life in Nigeria as cow is more valuable than human beings. The chapters also asked a salient question whether Nigeria is a failed state? It equally discusses how politicians employ religion as an instrument of confusion and division instead of peace and harmony. The key argument in this chapter is Nigeria brand of democracy or simply call it democrazy.

Part III has four chapters. The thrust of chapter 5 is to looks at the politics of dishonesty and rising tide of nationalism in Nigeria. How the revival of religion and extreme nationalism has given rise to revival of jihadist movements and secessionist groups in Nigeria. It also examines the problem of tribalism and ethnicity. How sectional interests has retarded Nigeria growth since postcolonial Nigeria. The book asked a pertinent question, how did we arrive at this end?

Chapter 6 examines Nnamdi Kanu’s thinking in the lens of separate state for Igbo. His vision, philosophy, and his struggles. The chapter discusses Kanu’s ambitions and how he intends to achieve Biafran Republic without force of arm. The chapter asks a salient question, whether Kanu is an Igbo messiah, populist or is a case of ambition?

Chapter 7 looks at the crisis of Nigerian states and how Nigerian leaders have duped the citizens. This chapter will similarly address democracy on trial and how the masses asked for bread, and they were given stone. The question here is whether Nigerians have benefited from dividend of democracy since the advent of 4th Republic?

The concluding chapter (8) analyses the burden of governance in Nigeria and how politicians have manipulated the masses through stomach infrastructure and bad leadership. The chapter also discusses how Igbo has been schemed out of Nigeria political space and how Hausa/Fulani and Yoruba employed state policy of marginalisation to push NdiIgbo as a second-class citizen in Nigeria. It equally discusses the political insensitivity by Buhari’s government in his policy towards NdiIgbo. The chapter also look at the politics of godfatherism and how merits has been replaced by whom you know. In this chapter, the book asks NdiIgbo to re-examine how they play politics and where they site their businesses. It implores them to invest at home. It is the surest bet for security and development of its region.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

It all starts with a dream. Every dream has a potential. In dreams, we plant the seeds of our future, this has been my thinking cap. Like the book of Proverbs says, If you become discouraged in times of trouble, your strength will be meagre. I have been discouraged by some people who believe that education is valueless without money. I hear some of them say ego na achi uwa. If you listen to their negative comments, you will think that education is meaningless, but I have solace in determination and perseverance. They are my watchword. I am grateful to men and women whose help and insightful provocative thoughts spur me to write this book. I am indebted to my wife Tobechukwu Lelia Osakwe (Udaraoma), my kids, Will Ikem and Olanma Olivia and the buddy of the family Lolo Chinyere Ukah and husband, High Chief Okey Ukah. Unu bu ezigbo mmadu. Same for my super mother-in-law, Mrs Florence Ngwumoha and son Chiemeka Ngwumoha; my family and relatives: Captain Alphonsus Onyeahara and wife Sylvia, Dr Ifeanyichukwu Killian and wife Vivian, Okwy, Sir Victor Ndubuisi and wife, Precious. My nephew and niece: Dr Onyema, Bobo, Okoro, Chinyere, Munachi, Kelechi, Nkechi, Chioma, Ugochi, Ogugua, Chima, Nmesoma, Vanessa, Joan, Stephanie, Jason and Valerie. Ahurum unu na anya nke ukwuu. To my cousins, Dede Cyril Ukaegbu, Chile Ehirim and wife, Ugochi, Martins and Vera, unu bu di m ji eme onu. I have unalloyed friends, Dr Simeon Ukagba, Dr Bruno Igwe, Chief Anayo Nnaji, Theadeus Onwumere, Laz Ihukobi, Harrison Nwabiakam and Emeka Uzor; Jane Igbinosa, Joy Ukwuoma, Prisca, Njideka Uba, Jessica Nwachukwu, Nonye Anuche, Uche Okorie, Ijeoma Ukaeru, Ifeoma Ugwueru and Johnpaul Ugwu. My thanks to my prayer warriors, Pastor Zachariah Adaranijo, Pastor John Osas and Evangelist Amaka. Thanks to my graphic Chioma. My special thanks go to Dr Peter Admirand for turning me from raw diamonds to finest diamonds. Chukwu Okike Abiama jiri unu nile were choo mu nma. Unu were obi madu ma nwekwa obinwanne.

INTRODUCTION

Institutionalisation of Neopatrimonialism and Nepotism under Buhari’s 97/5 % Administrative Formula

A critic who in real life is suspicious of people fighting for liberation will suspect characters who, though only in a novel, are fighting for liberation. A critic who in real life is impatient with all the talk about classes, class struggle, resistance to imperialism, racism and struggles against racism, of reactionary versus revolutionary violence, will be equally impatient when he or she finds the same themes dominant in the work of art.¹

Ngugi wa Thiong’O argues that there is ideological struggle. He maintains that the quest for relevance calls for more than choice of material.² This underline class struggle in Nigeria, who control what and what? It is because of who control what in Nigeria that have led to primitive accumulation of wealth. This has led to the concentration of power in the centre where president of the country is seen as gods. He decides how others state functions and breath. With the distortion of true federalism in Nigeria by subsequent military rule in Nigeria. Every attempt to reverse the distorted federalism has proved abortive. Because northern oligarchy prefers the distorted federalism because it favours them. The clamour for true federalism has been a central feature in Nigerian political lexicon. This distortion favours Muhammed Buhari’s style of governance.

There is something about President Muhammadu Buhari some Nigerians and international community do not know. Buhari may look frail and taciturn but behind those characteristics lie a mean, stern and angry man. Some claim that Buhari has a memory loss because of his failing health while some even claim he is body double from Sudan.

But the truth is Buhari is still alive and active. It may appear that his appointees have hijacked his administration as claimed by his wife. But all these assumptions are not correct. Buhari prefers to operate from the shadows, hiding his mean and vindictive character from the people. But the truth is Buhari sanctioned all the good and bad policies of his government. His statement describing one of the major ethnic groups in Nigeria, the Igbo as a dot in a circle was reminiscent of his animus towards the Igbo for not voting him in all presidential elections, he participated in. It is time for payback.

Again, Buhari is known for his rebellion against the majority view. His democratic disposition is questionable just like his claim of being a born-again democrat. He prefers minority opinion made up of his ethnic group. So, it is not surprising when he populated his administration with his ethnic group. Buhari does not believe in democracy because it pegs him to do things he would not want to do. If there was a loophole to exploit in federal character statutes in the appointment of ministers, no Igbo will be appointed to his cabinet.

Buhari does not believe in equality, rule of law and freedom of religion. He believes in superiority of religion and ethnic groups. He is a reincarnation of Uthman Dan Fodio, the spiritual father of the Fulani caliphate. His elevation of Fulani above all other ethnic groups in Nigeria is a pointer to that. His appointments into sensitive and important posts show he is an ethnic jingoist and a religious zealot. He does not believe in a secular Nigeria.

Retired Chief of Army Staff, Lt-General Theophilus Danjuma describes Muhammadu Buhari as: one of the most upright army officers that Nigeria army has produced – very clean, a very strict officer. Unfortunately for him…I observed that he was a very inflexible person…I observed that he was too rigid, he was too inflexible.³

Are you wondering why Fulani revivalism is on the rise during his watch? Fualni herdsmen are roving all over Nigeria armed with AK-47 rifles while security agencies turn a blind eye. The tension in the country would have been dissipated if Buhari had acted and reined in his kinsmen. Rather he seems to use state instruments at his disposal to urge them on. He introduced various measures either through the ministry of agriculture or introduction of RUGA for the benefit of the Fulani.

The explosion of secessionist campaigns led by Nnamdi Kanu for Biafra and Sunday Igboho for Oduduwa was their attempt to protect their regions against the nefarious activities of Fulani herdsmen. The Fulani herdsmen have occupied forests across the country and are busy and converting them to their own. In the Middle Belt, the indigenous people have been sacked from their land by the Fulani herdsmen. The indigenous people are living in camps while the Fulani occupy their land. As Igbo adage says no man washes in the river and allows soap to enter his eyes.

Also, Buhari’s lack of respect for human rights has led to the clampdown on press freedom as we saw in the clampdown on Twitter. He believes he has monopoly of views. His views cannot be questioned or scrutinised. It did not start today. It started with when Buhari was a Head of State in Nigeria. He introduced the dreaded Decree 2 as the Nigerian State Security (Detention of Persons), Decree No.2 of 1984, which allows for indefinite, incommunicado detention of Nigerian citizens. Many Nigerians were imprisoned without trial. Equally, Buhari can achieve his desire either through legal or illegal means.

In 1984, Buhari ordered the kidnap of Alhaji Umaru Abdulrahman Dikko who was Transport Minister in the Shehu Shagari government that he had overthrown. Dikko as a minister of transport was accused of stealing 625-million-pounds sterling. Dikko fled to United Kingdom after the overthrow. The Buhari government hired a former Israeli agent to work with a team of Nigerian intelligence officials. They accosted Dikko and injected him with anaesthetics in his front door in Bayswater, London. He was put in a container like goods waiting to be exported to Nigeria in a diplomatic luggage. He was moved to Stansted airport where a Nigeria Airways plane was waiting to ferry him home. But because of eagle-eyed Customs officials who suspected a foul play and questioned Nigerian officials, the attempt was foiled?

The kidnapping of IPOB’s leader Nnamdi Kanu in Kenya was like what happened to Dikko in London. Similarly, the invasion of Sunday Igboho’s residence by security agents and the arrest and killing of his members were like what happened to Kanu in his hometown of Afaraukwu when security agents invaded. All these actions of Buhari kidnapping Nigerians both on foreign soil and home may have been applauded by his friends but they are against human rights.

But what I discovered in Nigeria and the world in general is the conspiracy of silence. It undermines civility. When Roman Protasevich, a Belarusian blogger⁴was kidnapped on board a Ryanair plane, both European leaders and American president condemned the action of the Belarus president and called for economic and political ban. My question is why the double standards? What Buhari did against Kanu, is that not terrorism? Why has the western world suddenly gone mute? Why can’t western countries help nip in the bud the dictatorship before it blossoms? The genocide in Rwanda would have been avoided if the western countries and the United Nations acted in time. Some sections of the Nigerian people are daily drawing the attention of the western countries and international institutions to the systematic killing and Fulanisation of Nigeria under Buhari, but they look the other way. But when it comes to exploiting our resources, the western countries will be in the forefront. If it is to sell arms, the western countries will encourage their people to do so. If it is the destabilisation of the continent, Africa, western countries will lead the way. When the doom lands, they will deploy expired foods and drugs in feigned compassion. Then pity becomes a cornerstone of neo-colonialism and imperialism. Good leaders are never treated with handshakes except bad leaders. They are received in Washington, London, Paris with red carpet to boost their private investment drive and profit maximization. It enables them to allow corrupt African leaders to launder their stolen money in western banks. While their people feed on our commonwealth laundered in their banks, our people back home are suffering on the harsh economic prescriptions of inept leaders and bad governance.

Buhari loathed democracy. He prefers to operate as a military dictator. Like every dictator worldwide, they prefer a free hand, no opposition, no challenge; they despise free press and in the era of social media they loathed them. Nigeria is fast slipping into a dictatorship where there is one political party, APC in power. The PDP which provides opposition to the ruling party is fast fading away as most governors elected under the umbrella of the PDP have decamped to the APC. They include Ben Ayade, governor of Cross River, Bello Matawalle, governor of Zamfara, and David Umahi, governor of Ebonyi state. This is an indication that all is not well with the Nigerian state under Buhari. As he has put all the instruments of the state under his control from armed forces to police, from paramilitary to the DSS and positioned all loyalists under his control. He wants to proclaim himself life president or elect his crony as president come 2023. Like his critics will point out, this is to continue his fulanisation of the country.

On an official visit to the United States, President Buhari delivered a speech at the United States Institute of Peace. He mesmerised his audience and left them wondering if this was a president of the entire country or a president that cared only for those who elected him. At this venue, President Buhari’s speech laid down his policy of nepotism and favouritism. He made it categorically clear that he would govern Nigeria on the arithmetic of 97/5 percent. By that he sowed the seed of divide and rule. Hear him: Constituencies that gave me 97% cannot in all honesty be treated equally, on some issues, with constituencies that gave me 5%. I think these are political realities, while certainly there will be justice for everybody, everybody will get his constitutional rights, but while the party in constituencies that by their sheer hard work they made sure that they got their people to vote and to ensure their votes count, they must feel that the government has appreciated the effort they put in putting the government in place. I see this as really fair.⁵

Though President Buhari’s spin doctor, Mallam Garba Shehu tried to make us believe that President Buhari did not say so, his statement is in the public domain. Shehu twists it by saying that Buhari meant another thing. Listen to what Shehu said: That is a social media commentary. Whosoever says that is just making a social media commentary, which is a discussion, not regulated in accordance with journalism ethics. What the president meant to say was that the world of politics is seen as a reward system by which people expect to derive maximum support from giving maximum support and he meant to say that he is a different kind of leader and will govern in the interest of all.

Mr. Spin doctor Shehu may be living in another planet if he thinks majority of Nigerians are not learned enough or stuffed their ears with quinoa. Nigerians are wise enough. Let us revisit the incidence that led to the statement by Mr. President. The question came from Dr Pauline Baker, the President Emeritus of the Fund for Peace. The session was moderated by Johnnie Carson former Undersecretary of State for African Affairs. Baker to President Buhari: My question relates to another area of Nigeria that hasn’t gotten a lot of attention during this trip and that is the Niger Delta. It’s a challenge that you are going to face. I wonder if you would tell us how you intend to approach it with reference to the amnesty, bunkering, and inclusive development?

President Buhari struggled with the question, prompting Carson to interject, and said inclusive? He said, Inclusive government … including women, youth Mr. Carson responded to President Buhari. I see, the President now turn to Dr Baker and said I hope you have a copy of the election results. The constituents, for example, gave me 97% [of the vote] cannot in all honesty be treated on some issues with constituencies that gave me 5%. These are the exact words of Mr President. No amount of spinning by Shehu will change the statement.

That speech by President may have been responsible for the crisis in Nigeria today. He said it in his speech and some people thought he was joking but he was not joking. After six years of President Buhari’s stewardship, Nigeria is fractured and divided along ethnic and religious lines. President Buhari lived up to his promise to exclude one of Nigeria’s regional tripods in his administration and make them pay for not voting for him. Buhari lays a ground for nepotism and favouritism to flourish in Nigeria. The internal and external challenges facing Nigeria today is because of Buhari’s policy of exclusion, instead of inclusion. All his security heads are from one region and even most sensitive positions belong to his kinsmen. The rampaging of Fulani herdsmen was because of Buhari’s soft approach to Miyetti Allah, where he is a patron. Even when this organisation has been linked to killer herdsmen, sponsoring, arming, and financing a terrorist organisation, President Buhari turns a blind eye. Even when the activities of Miyetti Allah is against the secular nature of the nation and the law banning any group from carrying arms in Nigeria, Miyetti Allah could carry AK-14 while indigenous people were disarmed by Buhari’s government. Today Fulani herdsmen are roaming bushes in both Middle Belt and Southern states killing, raping, kidnapping and sacking people from their farms and homes, yet till date nobody has been arrested or prosecuted. They are being protected, aided by both police, military and paramilitary groups in Nigeria.

Nepotism

Chinua Achebe succinctly attributed the problem of Nigeria to the failure of leadership. He further said that there is nothing wrong with the Nigerian character. He said: The Nigerian problem is the unwillingness or inability of its leaders to rise to the responsibility, to the charge of personal example which are the hallmark of true leadership."⁶ Achebe points out that Nigeria has been less than fortune in its leadership. A basic element of this misfortune Achebe claimed was the seminal absence of intellectual rigour in the political thought of our founding fathers, a tendency to pious materialistic woolliness and self-centred pedestrianism.⁷

Arsim Gjinovci describes nepotism as hiring relatives, close friends, regardless of their merits and abilities. By assisting relatives based on family ties, the employment of relatives or close friends, irrespective of their abilities and capabilities.⁸

Celestine Chijoke Onah argues that nepotism is favouritism. He states that a situation where those in management echelon employ/recruit their cronies – friends, relatives, family members, without observing to the set down rules and regulation in recruitment, which declares that only the qualified, credible, best, and well-performed applicants should be employed after effectively overcoming the obstacles in employment procedure.⁹

Amobi P. Chiamogu and Uchechukwu P. Chiamogu cite Mulwa, Murimi, Mutugi and Mombo that nepotism is the showing of favouritism for relatives or friends based upon that relationship, rather than on an objective evaluation of ability or suitability. It illustrates a situation like offering employment to a family member, even though there are candidates who are better competent, eager and talented to do the work. It constructs the very subjective technique of distribution of state resources where a public officer favours his or her families and relatives or friends in awarding contracts, job recruitment, promotion and, appointment to public positions. They noted that nepotic inclinations disregard excellence and capability standards thus stemming in lowering of the excellence of the public service.¹⁰

Svajone Bekesiene contends that corruption such as favouritism, nepotism, and cronyism are all forms of corruption. Bekesiene defines nepotism as the abuse of a person’s position, power, or influence to confer a privilege on his/her family member. He contends that nepotism is especially apparent in organizational activities, when somebody is employed or promoted not on the grounds of professional abilities, work experience, but on the ground of kinship. Bekesiene links nepotism to cronyism, which likewise means the patronage in a professional career that is constructed on close relationships (such as schoolmate or friend, common social or political activities, clubs, religious, ethnic groups etc.). He further stated that according to scientific point of view, nepotism and cronyism are two separate forms of favouritism. He avers that favouritism is perhaps the strongest idea that portrays patronage that is not centred on professional or business interests, but on personal relationships or personal interests. It should be noted that there is no strict separation of these terms in both the scientific literature and society, and they are often used together as alternative word or as consonantly associated trends.¹¹

John Campbell writing in Council on Foreign Relations said the speech by Matthew Kukah the maverick Roman Catholic Archbishop of Sokoto, in a Christmas message titled A Nation in Search of Vindication, delivered a ferocious assessment of Nigeria’s governance and political economy. According to Campbell the speech from Kukah was not a sermon on the Mount delivered on religious tone, but a message directed to insipient kleptomaniac and narcissist government of Muhammadu Buhari. In it he accused President Muhammadu Buhari of nepotism and making too many high-level appointments among his fellow northern Muslims. Kukah stated, Every honest Nigerian knows that there is no way any non-Northern Muslim President could have done a fraction of what President Buhari has done by his nepotism and gotten away with it. There would have been a military coup a long time ago or we would have been at war.¹²

Campbell contends that some Islamic organisations in Nigeria countered fiercely against Kukah’s statement, and some of them called him to apologise or to go on exile. This threat was issued by so-called group Muslim Solidarity Forum, based in Sokoto, which