Finding Phoebe: What New Testament Women Were Really Like
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About this ebook
In this learned yet accessible book, Susan E. Hylen introduces first-century primary sources to illuminate readers’ understanding of New Testament women. Perfect for clergy, spiritual reading groups, and all curious minds, Finding Phoebe combines incisive scholarship and instructional sensibility to encourage readers to develop their own informed interpretations of Scripture.
Contrary to popular conceptions of “biblical womanhood” as passive and silent, women often served as leaders and prophets in their communities. Women owned one-third of all property during the period, granting them access to civic power through patronage. Many women worked outside the home and were educated according to the needs of their professions. Through careful examination of “modesty” and “silence” in the Greco-Roman world, Hylen reveals the centrality of these virtues to both men and women practicing self-control in service of communal good.
Hylen’s work will challenge readers to free their minds of modern preconceptions and consider New Testament women on their own terms. This practical book includes historical context, scriptural evidence, and questions for discussion.
Foreword Reviews INDIES Book of the Year Award in Women's Studies Finalist (2023)
Susan E. Hylen
Susan E. Hylen is professor of New Testament at Emory University and a ruling elder in the Presbyterian Church (USA). Her previous books include Women in the New Testament World and A Modest Apostle: Thecla and the History of Women in the Early Church.
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Finding Phoebe - Susan E. Hylen
PART 1
Wealth and Property
1
Property Ownership
What was Phoebe like? The Roman church that received Paul’s letter would have had a lot more clues to go on than we do because they were meeting her in person. Other Romans, even just a few weeks or months later, may not have known who Phoebe was, but they probably made some pretty good guesses based on their knowledge of how things worked in their culture.
This chapter describes the legal and social practices that shaped women’s property ownership at the time. While we’ll never know whether Phoebe was rich or poor, or who paid for her travel, we can learn what was normal in Phoebe’s time, and that can help us understand broadly what kind of person she was—and give us skills to figure out information about other New Testament women.
That women owned property was fairly common in this period of Roman life. In fact, women owned about one-third of all property across the Roman Mediterranean territories. (That’s actually about the same proportion of wealth that women own nowadays worldwide.) Women were not equal to men in terms of ownership, but they did own a significant amount. Women’s property ownership was not something extraordinary but a regular and expected part of the cultural landscape.
Legal and social norms of the first century supported women’s ownership of property. Some of these norms contradict what we are used to hearing about the ancient world. For example, many Christians today have the impression that women were under the legal control of their fathers until they married, at which point they came under the legal authority of their husbands. This misrepresents the legal status of women in the New Testament period.
To understand the cultural differences better, let’s imagine the lives of a wealthy family using information from legal records and evidence of actual economic and social patterns. We’ll call the mother and father Paula and Marcus. They had four children, but let’s say that two died, leaving a daughter, Marcella, and a son named Fabius.
Women owned about one-third of all property.
According to Roman law, both Marcella and Fabius were under the legal authority of their father for as long as Marcus lived. Marcus’s authority meant that he technically owned his property and all of his children’s property until he died—even when they were grown-ups, and even when they got married and moved elsewhere. Strange, right?
Marcus lived to be fifty years old. When he died, Marcella was twenty-four and Fabius was twenty-two. At that point, they inherited his property and became legally independent. So now Marcella and Fabius are legally the sole owners of the property they inherited from Marcus.
Both law and custom agreed that fathers should give their property in roughly equal proportions to their children. Spouses could inherit a portion of each other’s wealth, but the bulk of it went to the children. So Marcella and Fabius became the primary owners of Marcus’s property. (He gave about 20 percent of his wealth to his wife, Paula, and he also made smaller gifts to a business partner and a favorite niece and nephew.)
Here are some important things to notice:
While it is true that daughters were under the legal authority of their fathers, the same authority applied to their brothers as well.
Legal independence applied to both sons and daughters.
Both women and men owned property.
Recall that Paula and Marcus were wealthy. Marcella inherited their large estate with extensive olive orchards and a brick factory. Fabius inherited his father’s olive press and another farm with vineyards. Although the custom was for children to inherit equally, there was a bias toward sons. In this case, Fabius also inherited the family’s house in Rome, which gave him an edge over his elder sister. Some Romans were even richer than Marcus, but frankly, his kids were very well situated upon his death.
Marcus’s wife, Paula, was forty-three when she became a widow. But she also owned considerable wealth that she had inherited from her own father when he died. Now she became a little bit richer because she inherited some of Marcus’s estate. Paula’s father’s farm was smaller than the lands Marcus had owned, but she was her father’s only living child and became the sole owner of his property. When she died, she passed on some of that property to her children and the rest to members of her father’s extended family.
A Widespread Pattern
Paula and Marcella are examples of Roman women, and we know quite a bit about their legal rights from law books. It’s less clear what the status of women was in other places the New Testament mentions, like Judea or cities like Corinth, Thessalonika, and Ephesus. Roman citizens were governed by Roman laws no matter where they lived, but other people Rome ruled were allowed to keep their own customs. So it’s harder to say exactly what was happening with women in other parts of the Roman Empire.
However, the evidence we have suggests that women in Greece, Asia Minor, Judea, and Egypt also owned property. Records of the local laws and customs of the time have not all survived, so it’s hard to know what legal arrangements shaped the lives of women in the provinces. However, there is evidence that women who lived there undertook the same kinds of actions as Roman women with regard to their property. For example, they donated buildings, honored family members with statues, and owned livestock and slaves. Their ability to do these things suggests they controlled property according to legal patterns similar to those of Roman law.
Many women property owners were nowhere near as wealthy as Paula or Marcella. Poorer women were less likely to be able to afford burial inscriptions for their loved ones, and they didn’t donate whole buildings, as wealthy women did, leaving a physical record of their actions. Their daily transactions weren’t often recorded. Yet, though we have little evidence to inform us of their situation, some records display the property ownership of women of average means. For example, here is a divorce agreement from Egypt (where some paper records have survived, thanks to the dry climate): Zois acknowledges that she has received from Antipatros by hand from his house clothes to the value of one hundred and twenty drachmas and a pair of gold earrings, which he received as a dowry.
¹ This document was a receipt showing that her husband, Antipatros, returned Zois’s property after their divorce. Zois and Antipatros were not wealthy people. Nevertheless, Zois owned something.
The evidence we have for Jewish women likewise suggests that they owned property. Many modern readers of the New Testament are conditioned to assume that Jewish women of this period did not share any of the advantages of Greek women. But this is also untrue. Historical sources attest to similar legal and social conventions for Jewish