Correlli Barnett: Architect of History and Strategy

By Fouad Sabry

Who is Correlli Barnett

Correlli Douglas Barnett was an English military historian who also authored works of economic history, particularly on the post-war deindustrialization of the United Kingdom. He was known for his work in this field.

How you will benefit

(I) Insights about the following:

Chapter 1: Correlli Barnett

Chapter 2: Margaret Thatcher

Chapter 3: Saddam Hussein

Chapter 4: International reactions to the prelude to the Iraq War

Chapter 5: Project for the New American Century

Chapter 6: Tariq Aziz

Chapter 7: 2003 invasion of Iraq

Chapter 8: Richard Perle

Chapter 9: Halabja massacre

Chapter 10: Rollback

Chapter 11: 2003 in Iraq

Chapter 12: Saddam - Al-Qaeda conspiracy theory

Chapter 13: Why We Fight (2005 film)

Chapter 14: Rationale for the Iraq War

Chapter 15: Legitimacy of the 2003 invasion of Iraq

Chapter 16: United States support for Iraq during the Iran-Iraq War

Chapter 17: Oprah's Anti-war series

Chapter 18: Modern history of Iraq

Chapter 19: Ba'athist Iraq

Chapter 20: Hussein Rashid

Chapter 21: Rationale for the Persian Gulf war

Who this book is for

Professionals, undergraduate and graduate students, enthusiasts, hobbyists, and those who want to go beyond basic knowledge or information about Correlli Barnett.

• Language: English
• Publisher: One Billion Knowledgeable
• Release date: Feb 6, 2024

Book preview

Chapter 1: Correlli Barnett

Correlli Douglas Barnett CBE FRHistS FRSL FRSA (28 June 1927 – 10 July 2022) was an English military historian who also authored books on economic history, focusing on the industrial decline of the United Kingdom after World War II.

Barnett was born in Norbury, County Borough of Croydon, on 28 June 1927, as the son of Douglas and Kathleen Barnett. He was educated at Trinity School of John Whitgift in Croydon and then Exeter College, Oxford, where he earned a second-class honours degree in Modern History with Military History and the Theory of War as his specialization and an MA in 1954.

Later, Barnett stated: I can confidently claim that only two works I read at Oxford had a significant impact on my subsequent approach; one was part of the Special Subject, and the other was recommended by a friend. The first was On War by Clausewitz, which was required reading for a Special Subject on military history and the theory of war. The other was Lewis Mumford's Technics and Civilization — I am not sure what I would think of it today if I read it again, but it certainly sparked my interest in looking at history in technological terms as opposed to the constitutional/political concepts prominent at Oxford..

Barnett was the historical consultant and writer for the 1963–1964 BBC television series The Great War. Numerous pieces he wrote for many newspapers argued against the 2003 Iraq War.

He authored the book The Desert Generals, A book that criticizes the supposed cult of British Field Marshal Bernard Montgomery and evaluates the responsibilities of his fired predecessors in the North Africa war, along with Richard O'Connor, who expelled the Italians from Cyrenaica late in World War II?, in addition to Field Marshal Sir Claude Auchinleck (whom he called The Victor of Alamein), Who stopped Rommel during the First Battle of El Alamein?, Winston Churchill fired him despite his efforts.

He noted Montgomery's overwhelming numerical and material advantage at the Second Battle of El Alamein, He was characterized as a emotional cripple, a description, In following editions, he noted, The Nigel Hamilton biography proves this in vivid detail..

However, Field Marshal Michael Carver challenged Barnett's conclusions in his book Dilemmas of the Desert War; Carver calls Barnett naïve and notes numerous flaws in his work.

He also authored Britain and Her Army 1509–1970, a comprehensive history of the political, social, and military aspects of Britain's post-medieval history.

In a number of his novels (The Desert Generals, The Swordbearers), Barnett depicted the British armed forces as hampered by tradition (e.g., cavalry regiments purportedly unable to accept new tank tactics) and by inferior technology to that of the Germans. This position was also criticized by Carver, who noted that during Operation Crusader and the Battle of Gazala, British technology was comparable to, and in some cases superior to, that of the German and Italian troops. In 1916, Barnett made this observation about the British armor in the desert and Jellicoe's Grand Fleet at Jutland.

In Bonaparte (1978), he takes a more critical view of Napoleon Bonaparte than is typical, presenting him almost as a Mediterranean bandit eager to dole out crowns and honors to cronies and members of his blood family, and emphasizing how many of his most famous victories owed much to bluff and luck (e.g. the fortuitous arrival of General Louis Desaix at the Battle of Marengo).

Barnett's The Pride and Fall sequence includes: (1) The Collapse of British Power; (2) The Audit of War: The Illusion and Reality of Britain as a Great Nation (published in the United States as The Pride and the Fall: The Dream and Illusion of Britain as a Great Nation); (3) The Lost Victory: British Dreams, British Realities, 1945-1950; and (4) The Verdict of Peace: Britain Between Her Yesterday and Her Future.

In sum, The video depicts the collapse of British dominance throughout the 20th century, a decline attributed by the author to a change in the values of Britain's governing élite from the late eighteenth century, one that was fostered by evangelical and nonconformist Christianity.

Barnett asserts that the eighteenth-century statesmen were hard of mind and will and viewed national force as the primary underpinning of national freedom.; Economic prosperity as a path to power; battle as one of the tools to all three ends".

Furthermore, They believed it to be natural and unavoidable for nations to engage in an endless struggle for survival, prosperity and hegemony.

During the general election in February 1974, Barnett submitted the following letter to The Times: It depresses me to the point of desperation that the discourse in this presidential race barely touches on the basic issue facing our nation. Our persistent failure as a competitive industrial power; our ongoing relative fall... This election should be about the fundamental remaking of British industry's structure and mindset (including our anarchic trade union organization; by legislation if necessary). However, the Conservative Party skirts the issue while the Labour Party completely disregards it... Who would believe, after hearing the election debate, that the United States was on the point of being eclipsed as a leading industrial power?

In 1974, Barnett described the United Kingdom's economic dilemma as a nation with low wages, low investment, and low productivity:

This gloomy cycle is largely, but not entirely, attributable to the distinctive structure, history, and attitudes of British trades unionism, and have been for a century. You cannot pay high wages without first attaining high productivity. High productivity cannot be achieved unless the workforce is able to operate contemporary machines to their fullest capacity. Everyone is aware that British industry is hampered by demarcations and other restrictive practices intended to preserve someone's property rights in a particular task...the necessary switch to a high-wage economy cannot be achieved in isolation, by the process of free collective bargaining (i.e. extortion of money by threats or force), but only in tandem with a parallel switch to high productivity. Are Mr. Scanlon's members and other British employees prepared to match the Germans in terms of efficiency, adaptability, cooperation, and zeal, or do they simply want more money to continue as they have?

After E.P. Thompson's planned Dimbleby Lecture on the Cold War was canceled in 1981, Barnett inquired whether he (Thompson) had seen the lecture.

Any connection between the Soviet Union's internal nature as an oligarchic dictatorship and its foreign policies? As a former communist, he must be aware that the Soviet regime is, by its very nature and from its earliest beginnings, a minority conspiracy that has gained and maintained power through force and deceit; that due to this inherent nature, it has always been terrified of independent centres of thought or power, whether within the Russian empire or beyond its current reach. The current arms race is fueled by the combination of such a dictatorship and its obvious desire to control others with armed forces above the requirements of basic defense. Who believes that NATO and its armies would exist if Russia had been an open society in the way of the West for the past six decades? The first prerequisite for large-scale nuclear or any other type of disarmament is the demise of the Soviet Communist Party.

Barnett stated in 1982 regarding Britain's Trident missile system::

The United States' decision to sell us Trident only makes sense if the United States completely trusts the United Kingdom to be a compliant ally that will not defy orders... The question arises as to how closely Great Britain desires to identify herself with the United States over the next four decades, and what unstated trade-offs may be involved in terms of support for American policies outside of Europe. Is Trident, in a word, a reaffirmation of the special relationship? How well does such a relationship with the United States mesh with the United Kingdom's EEC membership and her European strategy, if this is the case? Are we not at risk of sliding into the mid-Atlantic region between Europe and the United States? And at this time in our history, shouldn't we be firmly aligned with Europe in developing a separate European foreign policy, rather than leaning towards Washington?.

After Britain's victory in the Falklands War, Barnett lauded the courage, professionalism, and ultimate triumph of the Falklands task force, but he added, but we must never forget the sacrifices that were made.:

The lesson of the Falklands crisis is not that we must a blue-water surface fleet in case similar remaining areas of pink on the map are attacked, but rather that we should align our foreign policy with our defense policy and rid ourselves of such unproductive bits of pink as soon as possible. The true perpetrators of the problem are the members of parliament of both parties who, in the past, vetoed possible settlements with Argentina with emotive shouts of sell-out without apparently weighing the expense of defending the Falklands against their importance to the United Kingdom. Can it now be argued that the possibility to do another Falkland Islands someplace in the vast oceans is more vital to the security of this nation than the protection of Western Europe, our own outer barrier and largest market?

Regarding the Franks Report, which investigated the Falklands War, Barnett stated: ...the British Establishment has rendered a verdict of innocence against the British Establishment... Therefore, a critical study of the Foreign Office as an institution is required, including its collective house style and vision, as well as the personalities and personalities of its senior officials. Then we will comprehend how British strategy grows in relation to a specific circumstance such as the Falklands..

In October 2005, he remarked of Margaret Thatcher::

Since the end of World War II, we had lived under a sort of state socialism with strict economic and social constraints. I recall a time when foreign property purchases required special clearance from the Bank of England. People who believe the pre-Thatcher era was a golden age did not live through it; just ask anyone who traveled on the decrepit rails or used a phone when the Post Office was in charge. Upon ascending to power, she revolutionized the nation. All of the industries that relied on tax dollars to survive have disappeared. The trade unions no longer exist. She repealed exchange restrictions, liquidated the state sector of industry entirely, and liberalized the economy. It is undeniable that she was so influential that cabinet government in the collegiate sense began to decline. They increasingly resembled a group of staff officers surrounding the general. Blair has gone one step further and embraced a presidential style in every way possible. The primary distinction was that she possessed true emotion, conviction, and leadership. During the past eight years, Blair has, in my opinion, shown to be a convincing con man who has made numerous empty promises.

Barnett was a fellow of Churchill College, Cambridge, and was the Keeper of the Churchill Archives Centre from 1977 until 1995.

Some cabinet ministers in the government of Margaret Thatcher were affected by Barnett's writings. Sir Keith Joseph, Education Secretary from 1981 to 1986, praised Correlli Barnett's work on the anti-business attitude in education in an interview with Anthony Seldon.

Barnett married Ruth Murby in 1950. The couple had twin girls. Ruth passed away in 2020.

The Hump Institution (1957)

This is the Channel Tunnel (with Humphrey Slater, 1958)

The Desert Commanders (Kimber, 1960). An examination of the works of O'Connor, Alan Cunningham, Ritchie, Auchinleck, and Montgomery.

The Swordbearers: Supreme Command in the First World War, 1963).

An analysis of Moltke, Jellicoe, Pétain and Ludendorff.

The Combat at El Alamein (Macmillan, 1964)

The British Army from 1509 until 1970 (Allen Lane, 1970)

The Fall of British Authority (Eyre Methuen, 1972)

Marlborough, Soldier and Statesman: The First Churchill (Eyre Methuen, 1974). A companion television program was produced.

Society and Method (Manchester University Press, 1976)

Human Factor and the Decline of British Industry: A Historical Perspective (Working Together Campaign, 1977)

Napoleon Bonaparte (Allen & Unwin, 1978)

The World War (Park Lane Press, 1979)

The Audit of War: Britain's Illusion and Reality as a Great Nation (Macmillan, 1986) The Pride and the Fall: The Dream and Illusion of Britain as a Great Nation in the United States (The Free Press, 1987)

Engage the Enemy Closer: The Royal Navy during World War II (W W Norton & Co Inc, 1991)

The Lost Victory: British Visions and Realities, 1945-1950 (Macmillan, 1995)

The Peace Verdict: Britain between Her Past and Her Future (Macmillan, 2001)

Comparison of Post-Conquest Civil Affairs in Iraq and Germany (Foreign Policy Centre, 2005)

Pétain (Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2005)

24 The History of the Twentieth Century, The New Military Balance (1968).

The Guilt: The Illogical Promise, in Promise of Greatness, edited by G. A. Panichas. The War of 1914-1918, pp. 560–572 (Littlehampton Book Services, 1968).

The Education of Military Elites, in Governing Elites: Studies in Training and Selection, edited by Rupert Wilkinson (Oxford University Press, 1964).

Offensive 1918, in Noble Frankland and Christopher Dowling (editors), Decisive Battles of the 20th Century (London: Sidgwick & Jackson, 1976), pp. 62–80.

Auchinleck, in The War Lords, edited by Michael Carver. 260–273 in Military Commanders of the 20th Century (Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1976).

Journal of The Royal Society of Arts, cxxvii (5271), pp. 117–130, Technology, Education and Industrial and Economic Strength, Education for Capability: Cantor Lecture 1, 13 November 1978..

The Long Term Industrial Performance in the United Kingdom: The Role of Education and Research, 1850–1939, in The Economic System of the United Kingdom, edited by Derek J. Morris. Third Edition, pages 668–689 (Oxford University Press, 1985).

{End Chapter 1}

Chapter 2: Margaret Thatcher

Theresa Margaret Hilda Thatcher, Baroness Thatcher, LG, OM, DStJ, PC, FRS, HonFRSC (née Roberts; (1 October 13, 1925 - April 8, 2013), served as Prime Minister of the United Kingdom from 1979 to 1990 and as Leader of the Conservative Party from 1975 to 1990.

She was the longest-serving and first female British prime minister of the 20th century.

In his capacity as prime minister, She enacted economic measures known as Thatcherism.

A Soviet journalist gave her the moniker Iron Lady., A moniker linked with her strong political stance and leadership style.

Before becoming a lawyer, Thatcher studied chemistry at Somerville College, Oxford, and worked briefly as a research scientist. In 1959, she was chosen as the representative for Finchley. In his 1970–1974 administration, Edward Heath named her Secretary of State for Education and Science. In 1975, she beat Heath in the Conservative Party leadership election and became the first woman in the United Kingdom to head a major political party.

After winning the 1979 general election and becoming prime minister, Margaret Thatcher enacted a series of economic measures aimed at reversing rising inflation and Britain's troubles in the aftermath of the Winter of Discontent and an impending recession. Her political ideology and economic policies emphasized deregulation (especially in the financial sector), privatization of state-owned firms, and a reduction in the strength and influence of labor unions. In her first years in government, her popularity declined due to the recession and increased unemployment. In 1983, she was re-elected by a landslide as a consequence of the victory in the Falklands War in 1982 and the recovery of the economy. She escaped a Provisional IRA murder attempt in the 1984 Brighton hotel bombing and defeated the National Union of Mineworkers during the 1984–1985 miners' strike.

Thatcher was re-elected to a third term in 1987 with another landslide victory, but her subsequent support for the Community Charge (commonly known as the poll tax) was highly unpopular, and her increasingly Eurosceptic views on the European Community were not shared by her cabinet colleagues. In 1990, after a challenge to her leadership, she resigned as prime minister and party leader and was replaced by John Major, the Chancellor of the Exchequer. She was granted a life peerage as Baroness Thatcher (of Kesteven in the County of Lincoln) upon her 1992 retirement from the House of Commons, allowing her to sit in the House of Lords. In 2013, at the age of 87, she died of a stroke at the Ritz Hotel in