The Waterloo Archive: Volume VI: British Sources

By Gareth Glover

So much has been written on the subject of the Battle of Waterloo and the campaign that surrounds it that the reader might think that there is simply nothing new to tell. However, the archives of Europe are teeming with fascinating documents personal letters to family and friends, private journals and official reports that have been virtually ignored in many standard histories of the period.

In the ground-breaking Waterloo Archive series Gareth Glover has set out to unearth this buried material and to finally expose it to public scrutiny. In doing so he brings the human aspect of war and military campaigning to the fore: the humor and exhilaration, the fears and miseries, the starvation and exhaustion, the horror and the joy. He also provides an invaluable new source which will challenge preconceptions, disprove theories, destroy myths and allow for a complete re-evaluation of many key aspects of the campaign.

In this sixth and final volume in the series, published to coincide with the two hundredth anniversary of the campaign, Glover has again turned his attention to the British sources.

• Language: English
• Publisher: Pen and Sword
• Release date: Oct 30, 2014
• ISBN: 9781399078634

Gareth Glover

Gareth Glover is a former Royal Navy officer and military historian who has made a special study of the Napoleonic Wars for the last 30 years.

Book preview

INTRODUCTION

It is always very sad to come to the end of a project so close to one’s heart, but at the same time I have come to realise that the Waterloo Archive series, of which I am very proud, has now run its course. This is not to say that the contents of this final volume are by any means less interesting or important than those published in previous volumes. Indeed, the amount and quality of the accounts I have crammed into this final volume make it a particularly strong one. It is also far from true to say that all that is undoubtedly out there is now published; for despite intense searches of the regimental museums and archives of Britain, the Commonwealth and of the United States, I know that there is probably more still to emerge from uncatalogued archives and I have no doubt that there is certainly more to be revealed by families who continue to preserve with great pride the letters and journals of their forebears that fought and sometimes died at Waterloo. It is still my great hope that next year, 2015, with the commemoration of the two-hundredth anniversary of the campaign, many of these families will finally allow us to share these riches.

However, my original aim of drawing together from numerous disparate sources, the memories of as many individuals as possible has I believe been very successful, and I hope that the Waterloo Archive will become a focal work on the campaign and form an invaluable resource for researchers for generations to come. It has brought together no less than three hundred such memories, mostly written within days of these occurrences, before the dreaded hindsight had the opportunity to influence their thoughts. If I have any regrets, it is that the series did not eventually cover the Dutch, Prussian and French sources as originally conceived, but initial approaches to fellow enthusiasts in these countries either failed to persuade them to volunteer the admittedly hundreds of hours of commitment required to achieve it; or the draw of more lucrative offers (although ultimately illusory) turned their heads towards other projects.

But what treasures await the reader of this volume?

Out of the seventy-five correspondents featured in this volume, no fewer than thirteen come from the lower ranks, a creditable number, given that many of these lower ranks were supposedly illiterate or nearly so. I have touched upon this subject previously, but it is clear from the evidence produced in the Waterloo Archive, that literacy rates were undoubtedly climbing among the common soldiers and that the greatest common denominator apparent in this improvement was the rise of Nonconformist churches and the associated rise in lay preaching. Their honest, unvarnished, direct approach is both refreshing and instructive, once we look beyond the rumour and fireside bravado which invariably creeps in. The honesty regarding their own actions and those they witnessed are of real worth. Here there is no guarded and diplomatic version, no whitewashing of errors or reluctance to apportion blame where it is due.

Having said that, a good number of the letters from officers and even senior officers, written directly to family or colleagues at home for private consumption, although unlikely to highlight their own failings, do freely apportion blame on others, particularly their seniors.

A number of letters appear in the volume from members of the Staff of the army, but of particular interest are two letters written late in life by Captain Shaw Kennedy, the assistant quartermaster general, which reveal for the first time that immediately following the Battle of Waterloo, and because of a poorly worded report by General Count Alten, the Duke of Wellington was led to believe that the near collapse of his centre in the late afternoon was the entire responsibility of Count Kielmansegge. It is now clear that on the march to Paris, the poor count was ordered to place himself under arrest and it took the direct intervention of Shaw Kennedy and others to convince the Duke that the report was wrong. Kielmansegge was released and reinstated quietly before the army reached Paris and the whole incident hushed up until now.

The letters of Captain Kelly of the Life Guards provide his detailed version of the combat at Genappe and at Waterloo, from which it is clear that he believed that he was not appropriately recognised or rewarded. In contrast Corporal Coulter of his regiment vividly describes his own wounding during the battle in simple terms and his survival was the only reward he craved.

Lieutenant John Hibbert provides some clear evidence that at least some prisoners were killed by the French as they retreated and Henry Lowther states something similar, while providing second-hand information regarding the death of Major Hodge at Genappe.

Regarding the role of the Scots Greys there are a great number of witnesses providing further evidence in this volume including a rare follow up questionnaire from William Siborne, which is not in his files at the British Library.

Lieutenant Ingilby’s journal provides a long overdue description of the role of Gardiner’s Troop of Royal Horse Artillery at Waterloo and the constant look-out for the approach of the Prussians.

Lieutenant Colonel James Stanhope gives a full and clear account of the role of the 1st Foot Guards on the ridge line and makes some very interesting remarks regarding the actions and indeed the honest comments made by both the Duke and the Earl of Uxbridge during the battle. Sir Andrew Barnard also makes a very honest confession regarding some of the 95th Rifles fleeing to the rear when charged by the cuirassiers.

But the accounts of the support services included in this volume are also of great interest. The letters of Captain Oldfield and Lieutenant Sperling highlight the preparations ordered to fortify posts at the entrance to the forest of Soignes to keep the roads open in case of retreat and the abject failure of the engineers to provide these defences.

Storekeeper James Robins reveals that French cavalry captured large amounts of stores on the Nivelles chaussee on 17 June; and Commissariat Tupper Carey describes the confusion in the rear, but also reveals that the Brussels chaussee did remain open for the advance of ammunition convoys throughout the day. Lieutenant Hildebrand at Hal indicates that there was some skirmishing in the vicinity and also reveals that they were aware of the battle from various reports brought to them during the day, although they did not hear it.

Edward Heeley gives an insight into the life of a servant boy accompanying the army and triangle-player John Scott describes his experiences with the Black Watch during the battle, as the young son of a soldier.

This wide-ranging and eclectic mix gives us a real feel for what it was like as an ordinary soldier fighting and marching across Belgium during this campaign. Whether serving as a junior officer, a mere private or simply a young lad following the army, they all suffered equally together and every survivor, no matter their rank, saw their fellow survivors as the lucky few, which formed a bond of comradeship that they maintained until the grave.

To sum up the Waterloo Archive series, I hope that these 1,500 pages of letters, memoirs and journals have given the human story of the Waterloo campaign and generated a greater interest in this pivotal campaign in European history. If so, then I have achieved my original aim and I am satisfied. The accounts I have published in this series, along with the publication a decade ago of the remainder of the Siborne letters has uncovered over five hundred new witnesses to the battle and they have radically altered our understanding of many aspects of the battle and indeed of the campaign. It is therefore high time, despite the plethora of previous accounts of the battle, that an updated account of the Waterloo campaign is produced which incorporates all of this new material.

I have chosen to take on this task as a natural progression following on from the success and revelations of the Waterloo Archive series. This new history will be published by my good self in the very near future and will be entitled Waterloo: Myth and Reality. This, it is hoped, will put the record straight and banish many myths that have evolved over the centuries. I therefore hope, dear reader, that you will continue to follow me on this fascinating journey for the truth.

Note on transcription: as in other volumes, the letters are reproduced as closely to the original as possible, with only small changes to punctuation and spelling to aid the reader. French words are shown in italics and with appropriate accentuation for the same reason; other italics represent the correspondents’ own emphasis, and it is generally clear when this is intended.

Gareth Glover

THE STAFF

No. 1 Lieutenant Colonel John Fremantle, aide de camp to the Duke of Wellington

Papers held at the Centre for Buckinghamshire Studies, with the kind permission of Lord Cottesloe.*

Brussels, 19 June 1815

My dear Uncle,

We returned here this morning after three days [of] as severe operation as ever were known I suppose in the annals of military history. I don’t pretend to enter into the details of the two days’ action, viz. The 16th and 18th for if once begun, there is no knowing where to end; indeed the dispatch itself is very concise, for such an operation.†

Bonaparte was like a hard run fox, and at the last attack just before dark, headed his Imperial Guard in person, and when that attack manqué [missed] they all went à la debandade [helter-skelter], followed by us, and the Prussians, who had arrived quite fresh,‡ and the former are after them now, l’épee dans les reins [with a sword in the kidneys]. The French have left upwards of 100 pieces of cannon, and all their baggage. Two of Bonaparte’s carriages have been taken, and their soldiers are all throwing away their arms, in short there never was such a business from beginning to end, ever known. The duke did wonders and earned well his victory, we were near losing the day four times, and I assure you that nothing but his countenance kept the matter going; you will see that great havoc has been made among our Staff. Percy§ had a horse killed, Cathcart¶ two, and myself one on the 16th. Felton’s* horse was wounded 3 times, and how the duke escaped we are at a loss to know, for he was in the thick of it from morning till night. I received a deed from Mr Watkins this day which I will sign, and send as soon as I get it ready. Felton has taken charge of our department by the Duke’s desire. He is quite well. Ever my dear uncle your most dutiful and affectionate nephew,

John Fremantle

I rode the little mare the whole of yesterday, and was carried to perfection. I like her very much indeed. We start this night, or tomorrow, when the whole of our army will be put in motion after them.

No. 2 Lieutenant Henry Webster 9th Light Dragoons, extra aide de camp to the Prince of Orange

From A Memoir of Charles Mayne Young, Tragedian, with Extracts from his Son’s Journal by Julian Charles Young, vol. II, published 1871 pp. 100–1†

Now you may not know, gentlemen, that I was the Prince of Orange’s aide de camp. The Prince had himself been actively engaged that day in helping the Prince of Saxe Weimar (whose brigade of Netherlanders had been driven in on Quatre Bras) to defend the farmhouse there.‡ He had then ridden on to Brussels to see the Duke and to attend the Ball; but, before doing so, he told me to remain where I was and bring him certain despatches which he expected, the instance they arrived. At ten o’clock [15 June], the minister§ came to me, telling me that the advanced guard of the Prussians had been driven in at Ligny;¶ and ordering me, without a moment’s delay to convey the despatch he put into my hand to the Prince of Orange. ‘A horse ready saddled awaits you at the door,’ he said, ‘and another has been sent on, half an hour ago, to a half way house, to help you on the faster. Gallop every yard! You will find your chief at the Duchess of Richmond’s Ball, Stand on no ceremony; but insist on seeing the Prince at once.’ I was in the saddle without a second’s delay; and, thanks to a fine moon and two capital horses, had covered the ten miles I had to go within the hour! The place at Brussels was all ablaze with light; and such was the crowd of carriages, that I could not well make my way through them on horseback; so I abandoned my steed to the first man I could get hold of, and made my way to the porter’s lodge. On my telling the Suisse* I had despatches of moment for the Prince, he civilly asked me if I would wait five minutes. ‘For,’ said he ‘the duchess has just given orders for the band to go upstairs,† and the party are now about to rise. If you were to burst in suddenly, it might alarm the ladies.’ On that consideration, I consented to wait. I peeped in between the folding doors and saw the Duchess of Richmond taking the Prince of Orange’s arm, and Lady Charlotte Greville the Duke’s, on their way to the ballroom. The moment they had reached the foot of the stairs, I hastened to the prince’s side and gave him the despatch. Without looking at it, he handed it behind him to the Duke, who quietly deposited it in his coat pocket. The prince made me a sign to remain in the hall. I did so. All the company passed me, but I hid myself in a recess from observation for fear of being asked awkward questions. As soon as the last couple had mounted the premier étage, the Duke of Wellington descended, and espying me, beckoned me to him, and said, in a low voice, ‘Webster! Four horses instantly to the Prince of Orange’s carriage for Waterloo!’‡

No. 3 Captain Horace Churchill 1st Foot Guards, aide de camp to Lord Hill

National Army Museum 9012–38–1–9, reproduced with the kind permission of David Box, previously published in The Army Quarterly July 1935, pp. 292–7.

To Major General Churchill, 17 Portman Square London

Le Cateau, 24 June

I have not had time, my dear father, to write you a more circumstantial account of our terrific day at Waterloo since my short note to say I was well.

Bonaparte on the 16th attacked our left, before the whole of the troops cantoned on the right of the line could be brought up. The day certainly was to his advantage. The French cavalry behaved very dashingly and succeeded in breaking one of our squares of infantry. The Guards behaved with great bravery and covered themselves with glory. The same day Bonaparte attacked Blücher and the Prussians with part of his army. They beat Blücher during the day, but did not drive him from his position and at night Bonaparte made one of the most extraordinary and brilliant movements ever heard of. He collected the whole of his cavalry in one great mass, charged through the centre of the Prussian army, took 18 pieces of artillery, the whole of the ammunition and the Prussian loss was 15,000 men by Blücher’s own account. The Prussians were en déroute.

The following day (17th) in consequence of the retreat of the Prussians, we retired to the position of Waterloo, a position quite or nearly flat, quite open country, the whole one fine glacis. In the right centre a small wood, with an old convent in it. This point was the most essential for the enemy to gain. Lord Wellington sent the Guards into it with orders to defend it coûte que coûte [whatever it costs].

The evening of the 17th the French cavalry rattled in our rear guard and gained some advantages over our cavalry.

On the morning of the 18th at 11 o’clock we perceived the enemy’s columns collecting in our front for the attack, the dispositions were immediately made and at 12 o’clock to a moment, the first cannon shot was fired. An awful gun, for we perceived by the enemy’s columns his attack was in earnest, and the annihilation of our army must be the consequence of the shock.

Our guns to the number of 100 were placed in front line, then squares of infantry to support our artillery and the cavalry in intervals to act as they could.

The enemy began a cannonade from 250 pieces of artillery upon the point of our position, endeavouring evidently to cannonade our columns into confusion and then for their cavalry to take advantage of it. They attacked in the same moment the wood and convent in order to déboucher their columns from it, when taken; the Guards foiled them in their attack. The cannonade continued and the butchery was terrible, but we obliged our columns to remain firm. Luckily enough it was we did, as presently appeared their cavalry coming forward in the most brilliant manner and in a body charged our centre in the very muzzles of our guns. They rode through us, passed our artillery, galloped through our intervals of infantry, went through some of our cavalry and then attempted to form in our rear. Nothing could ever be seen equal to the conduct of their troops. The whole of this first attack was made by cuirassiers, a most extraordinary circumstance happened now. Our artillery (Donald Craufurd* among them) after having been rode over and passed by the French cavalry, rose up to their guns, turned them and actually fired at the enemy when in our lines.† Our artillery performed wonders of steadiness, notwithstanding this, our squares of infantry remained entrenched. Our artillery was remanned and again began the tremendous cannonade.

A second body of the enemy’s cavalry then repeated the bold attack and did exactly the same. Then we saw their infantry advancing in one grand mass to attack us. They advanced under a possible slaughter from our guns, nearly gained our position. The day seemed to turn on a straw, Lord Hill then (unusual) favoured one division of his corps,‡ before in reserve. The enemy could make no impression; their cavalry charged our squares with greatest determination, they could not trick them. Our cavalry rode round but did not charge the enemy. There was one general row, the enemy were beat back, or rather retired in very good order to his position. We now thought it all over, it was about 4 o’clock. The enemy had made great efforts but our troops foiled him everywhere. We would not follow him, he had retired rather than been beat back. The position was very strong. About 6 o’clock we perceived a formation of columns, cavalry and infantry formed in a grand mass. The enemy’s artillery was brought to a more favoured position and again he began to cannonade us. He opened a fire the most tremendous ever known, I believe, in the annals of war, 250 pieces very close, throwing shells and round shot, grape and every instrument of destruction. It is really not exaggeration to say one could not ride quick over the ground for the bodies of men and horses. Under cover of this cannonade advanced Bonaparte at the head of his Imperial Guard. Cavalry in a column on the left flank, the Grenadiers of the Guard on their right flank. They advanced most steadily up to our line in the great mass. They halted and commenced firing, their troops were literally mowed down. The fire was so great, nothing could stand. Our guns were moved close up to the flank of their column foudroyer [to strike down] with grape into it. Lord Hill moved a brigade (our elite) round the flank. I brought up, six squadrons of cavalry and we made a general charge. The cuirassiers of the Imperial Guard had their ranks much thinned by our artillery. They went about, we with the cavalry pursued them, leaving the French infantry steady in our flank.*

Marshal Ney was with this cavalry and I was within 20 paces of him. He was alone with about 6 orderlies, I hollowed out to our rascals but nothing could get them to face him. The cavalry were away and we were obliged to gallop. The enemy ran down his guns, about 20 and fired such a shower of grape and the infantry then opened upon us. The French cuirassiers came clean into us. I was on my old brown horse, a grape shot went through his body and a round shot struck my hat at the same moment. He fell dead. I was a good deal stunned and could not get from under my horse. The French cuirassiers rode over me, without my hat off, did not wound me. I lay there till the French were licked back. They again rode by me, one of their cuirassiers was killed passing me, I seized his immense horse and with some difficulty got upon him. I rode off and hardly was I clear of them before a round shot struck my horse on the head and killed him on the spot. An officer of the 13th [Light] Dragoons dismounted a man of his regiment and gave me his horse. This was shot in the leg about half an hour after.

The enemy were now beat back, Bonaparte had led his own Guards and been beaten. The Prussians now came up on the enemy’s flank and this obliged them to hurry their retreat. Our cavalry and artillery then advanced. The enemy were pursued and began a precipitate retreat. The fruits of this victory were about 200 pieces of artillery taken in the pursuit, 4 eagles,† the baggage of Bonaparte and his army.

It is needless to enlarge upon the conduct of the troops of the two armies. Lord Wellington calls it the battle of the giants and he says that there is no hell for any fellow that escaped that cannonade. I believe in the whole army Lord Wellington was the individual who fought hardest and the only individual not touched. Currie‡ was killed by a grape shot close to me, Lord Hill in the grand melee with the Imperial Guard, had his horse killed and was rode over. We lost him for an hour and I thought he must have been killed, I saw him at last knocking about a fresh horse.§

If Lord Wellington’s staff were Colonels Canning and Gordon killed,¶ Fitzroy Somerset lost his arm,* Delancey badly wounded,† etc. The admiration of the whole army was the gallantry and determination of the French cavalry and the steadiness of our infantry. Three times the cavalry rode clean through our line and hardly a man escaped, they would not surrender. At one moment the infantry of the two armies were all in squares.

Never was such devotion witnessed as the French cuirassiers, our cavalry (with the exception of two brigades) never would face them. Our cavalry on the whole disgraced the name of Englishmen. That noble fellow, Lord Uxbridge said, ‘I have tried every brigade in the cavalry and I cannot get one to follow me.’ He rode up to the Guards and said, ‘Thank God, I am now with men, who make me not ashamed of being an Englishman.’‡ A grape shot passed over Lord Wellington’s saddle and broke Lord Uxbridge’s thigh. He is doing well.

I could not help exclaiming, when the melee was going on, to Hill, ‘By God, these fellows deserve Bonaparte, they fight so nobly for him.’ In which everyone agreed. I had rather fallen that day as a British infantryman or as a French cuirassier than die ten years hence in my bed. I did my best to be killed, fortune protected me. I was struck by a ball on the side of my thigh, which did not even bleed me. One also struck me on the back of the shoulder, which I did not know of till after the action was over. Hill was not touched, his cloak was criblé de bals [riddled with balls].

I rode over yesterday with Lord Wellington to see Blücher. I saw Bonaparte’s carriage; his hat, cloak, coat and all his orders were in it.§ His hat fits me exactly! Would I had such a head under it.

This is such an extraordinary day that must be my excuse for being so tedious in my account. Lord Hill has begged Lord Wellington to give me my lieutenant colonelcy, he does not know whether he can, he is very well inclined. I am now not far from my company, what a change in the Guards. You cannot read this, it is very late at night and I am much tired, Donald¶ goes on very well.

The French have retired to Laon, where we shall find them ready to give us another. Send my boots to the care of Lt Colonel Gregory* Commandant of Ostend. My Guards jacket too. God bless you. I will send Craufurd if I can the cuirass of one of those noble fellows. Louis le desire [the XVIIIth] comes here today. He will meet with a bad reception I think. We have found out old Blücher to be a sad bad ally, 20,000 French can beat his whole army.† Ever yours,

Horace

No. 4 Captain Thomas Wildman, 7th Hussars, aide de camp to the Earl of Uxbridge

By kind permission of the Deputy Keeper of the Records, Public Record Office of Northern Ireland and Sir John McFarland, ref. D3703/G/2‡

Brussels, 19 June 1815

My dearest mother will I trust have received the hasty note I wrote at Lord Uxbridge’s bedside last night merely to say that all her three sons are safe and well after the most tremendous battle that ever yet was fought.

The affair of yesterday was however complete and decisive and we may truly say of the force opposed to us ‘l’Armee Françoise n’existe plus’! in return for Maria’s excellent description of the wars of other times I will now send you an account of a victory so splendid and important that you may search the annals of history in vain for its parallel, nor is it only extraordinary in the effect it must produce upon the present state of Europe and the blow it has given to all Napoleon’s expectations but as a grand military affair it will probably for ever stand unrivalled and alone, and you are my dearest mother of very few indeed who may enjoy the whole pride and glory of the day without a cloud to darken or diminish the splendour. But one only serious misfortune prevents me from saying that it was the proudest happiest day I ever knew, but the loss the British army will sustain in the services of Lord Uxbridge must be felt by all and you may conceive how much more strictly so by me who always admired and looked up to him as an officer and have lately learnt to respect, esteem and love him as a man. His conduct the whole day beggars all description. His arrangements, firmness and intrepidity surpassed what had been expected of him and not in cavalry movements and attacks alone, but he frequently rendered the most judicious and timely assistance in affairs of infantry where any sudden danger was to be apprehended.

The field was literally lost and won 3 times, the fate of the battle seemed to hang upon a thread, both parties being well aware that defeat and destruction were almost synonymous, there being one road to retreat by and that of course choked up with baggage, ammunition and wounded, etc. The French fought to desperation, charging frequently to the very mouths of our cannon. Three times they forced their way, both cavalry and infantry into our position and were 3 times repulsed with immense slaughter by sword and bayonet alone. They commenced the attack about 12 o’clock and the battle lasted without intermission till past 9 at night. It was no action of manoeuvre, of turning a flank, etc.; the whole was sheer fighting and almost hand to hand. Bonaparte commanded in person and had animated his troops by going down the ranks of the different corps and addressing them during the morning. He headed the last attack in person, placing himself in front of his Imperial Guard and leading up to the very mouth of our guns, they did him ample justice and I firmly believe that under any other man in the world but the Duke of Wellington, even British valour would have been unavailing, it was vaincre ou mourir [conquer or die] on both sides and Wellington and England prevailed.

When the advantage was once gained Vitoria was nothing to it, they fled in such disorder that all their cannon, ammunition, baggage even Bonaparte’s carriage, plate, etc., fell into our hands and it is said he himself had a narrow escape. Jerome Bonaparte and Murat are reported to be killed and Bertrand to have lost his thigh.* I am sorry to say we must set against them Sir Thomas Picton and Sir William Ponsonby killed and our general’s right leg amputated for more valuable characters.

But I will commence my despatch regularly and shall attempt to soften down for you as I do not expect to have many more battles to record.

It was always expected that the first affair would be desperate and sanguinary, the French have done their worst and if there should be more fighting I do not think he would ever get them to stand again in the same manner.

Bonaparte had 160,000 men in the field including 22,000 cavalry. The Duke about 67,000 of which 30,000 only were British and Bülow’s Prussian corps of about 40,000 on our left which did not arrive late, very late in the evening.

On Thursday the 15th we rode over from Ninove to Brussels to a Ball at the Duchess of Richmond’s and were just dressed when news arrived that the Prussians had been attacked in the morning, their outposts driven in and that the enemy had occupied the frontier town of Binche. We went to the ball when the Duke of Wellington and Lord Uxbridge had a long conversation after which we mounted and rode back to Ninove, from thence orders were sent to assemble the whole of the cavalry and Royal Horse Artillery near Enghien, there I met Lord Uxbridge who immediately sent me on to Braine le Comte and not finding the Duke there, I proceeded to Nivelles. It was about 4 o’clock and I heard a considerable firing in front to which point I proceeded and found the Belgic and Dutch troops engaged in a village called Quatre Bras, about 5 miles on the road to Namur, two English divisions had been sent for and I was immediately despatched again to bring up all the cavalry and another British division from Braine le Comte, there I met Lord Uxbridge and returned with him to the scene of action which was beginning to get very warm, our infantry had arrived and the action lasted till dark, when the French were repulsed at all points and retired leaving us masters of the field.

This affair was obstinately contested and the lancers charged our solid squares of infantry several times and when repulsed with loss by one, wheeled about and attacked another. The Guards suffered considerably and the highlanders received a charge of the cuirassiers, repulsed them and destroyed [a] whole squadron. Our cavalry did not arrive till 10 at night when the action was over, except Sir O. Vandeleur’s Brigade of Light Dragoons with which Lord Uxbridge showed a front and kept the enemy’s cavalry in check. In this affair the gallant Duke of Brunswick fellow, was killed by a grape shot, in whom the army has sustained a severe loss.

They made some show of attack about 3 a.m. on the 17th which is soon after day break, but again all was quiet till 11 when the Duke received intelligence that the Prussians had repulsed the attack made upon them the day before, but that during the night the enemy had made a dash upon their centre with a large division of cavalry and taken or destroyed an immense number and 14 pieces of cannon, in consequence of which Marshal Blücher found it expedient to retire. This of course rendered the same movement necessary on our part, in order to form the junction and act in concert with the Prussians. All our cavalry had arrived during the night and when the arrangement was made to retire, the cavalry was ordered to cover our retreat. This movement commenced about 1 p.m., with the infantry, artillery and lastly the cavalry moving off from the left, so that the 7th [Hussars] being the right regiment covered the whole. When the infantry were all gone, the French began to move and soon after advanced with an immense column of cavalry, the lancers and cuirassiers in front, 3 sets of each. We skirmished with them till we had passed the village of Genappe hot in upon the advanced so strong that it was thought necessary to charge them. This fell to the 7th and Hodge* moved down with his squadron and two others, the lancers were however so wedged in the street of Genappe and with so large a column in their rear that they were obliged to stand, at all events and our squadron not making any impression was repulsed, when we retired they pursued, some men were killed, wounded. H[odge], E[lphinstone] and M[yers] were made prisoner. J[ohn] W[ildman]† and Peters‡ were also taken and stripped of their pelisse, belts and money, but just at that moment the 1st Life Guards made a most gallant charge and drove the lancers in confusion, in which the two young gents made their escape. Elphinstone§ got away last night and arrived here and Lord Uxbridge sent to the enemy’s advanced posts to enquire about the major and Myer whom [we] had good [hopes were] not killed and was informed that they were both prisoners, the major slightly and Myer severely wounded, they are doing well and I have no doubt will soon be exchanged.

We manoeuvred and cannonaded with this cavalry all the way to our position in front of Waterloo and about dark they retired. I sent John who was bruised by his horse falling to Brussels by which he missed the battle of yesterday, he is now quite well and gone this evening to join the remainder of the 7th in front.

No. 5 Colonel Sir John Elley, Deputy Adjutant General

By kind permission of the Household Cavalry Archive, Windsor, ref. AB 2197 (39)

Extract from a letter written to Lieutenant Colonel Edward Hawkshaw 31st Regiment¶ based on notes by Dr Jebb, Bishop of Limerick,** who had them direct from Sir John Elley.

Just before the charge of cavalry at Waterloo, Sir John Elley had reconnoitred by order of the Duke of Wellington and ascertained the enemies’ cavalry to be 17,000.

The Duke said, ‘Well, we have 12,000.’

‘Sir,’ said Sir John. ‘Only 4,000 that can face the cuirassiers.’

‘Come, Elley, give me a piece of paper.’

He handed him the back of a letter, on which the Duke wrote down, ‘Heavy horse 4,000, Light Dragoons, foreign troops, etc., etc., etc., making a total of 12,000.’

Sir John Elley has presented this document to the Bishop of Limerick, attested by him as written by the Duke immediately before the charge on his charger’s neck. The bishop means to take a facsimile and present the original to the British Museum.*

He then led Sir John to his battery commanding the road and said, ‘Can any infantry pass that way?’

‘No, Sir, but if I commanded those 17,000 cavalry I would attempt to get into your rear.’

‘No bad thought,’ said the Duke, ‘Order some pioneers to throw some trees in that road.’ It was scarcely done when the horse came thundering down, although the grape and canister mowed them down. They retreated in complete confusion, 800 horses lying among the trees.

‘We have damped their ardour,’ said the Duke.

A considerable while after, the Duke said, ‘Elley, do you see what is coming over that hill?’ It was the whole of the enemy’s cavalry. ‘We can have no affair of cavalry today,’ said the Duke. ‘You must retire behind the line and leave the squares of infantry to manage these gentry as well as they can.’

‘I don’t know that, Sir,’ said Sir John. ‘Why that body can afford five columns in echelon.’

‘Yes, Sir, but the French always deploy in three and I can not only cover them but outflank them.’

While speaking the French divided into three. Our cavalry retired to a hillock near the quarry mentioned in Paul’s letters† with a morass in front.‡

The French in Gasconade set out au pas de charge, came into the morass with blown horses, and our Blues, Greys and two regiments of Life Guards met them at speed down the hill and threw them into the quarry. Sir John was run through the body in the first onset. His heavy charger took the head of the commandant’s horse who pierced him, threw him back and so drew the sword from his body.

At the late review of the Blues by His Majesty, he wore the cuirass of this French officer and carried this sword. Everyone says Sir J. Elley won the Battle of Waterloo, but he says Shaw, the Life Guardsman, who was a prize fighter, won the battle by teaching his comrades not to use their swords against the cuirassiers, but to strike them on the side of the head with the basket hilt by which the weight of their armour bore them from their equilibrium, also when they retreated, to cut at the back of the neck, by which so many were decapitated.

No. 6 Captain Shaw Kennedy,* Assistant Quartermaster General

By kind permission of Gloucester Archives, ref. D1833/F9

19 December 1863

My dear Sir Willoughby,†

I am very much obliged to you for your letter of the 16th instant, and for the trouble you took in writing to Sir Alexander Woodford‡ to assist in clearing up the point as to the day on which I had the interview in your presence with the Duke of Wellington in regard to Count Kielmansegge.§

Since I last communicated with you on the subject I have found a diary which I kept of the march of the army from Waterloo, and on the question of that march I have to Siborne’s work, and also to Maxwell’s Life of Wellington. Upon the authority of those works, both of which in regard to dates agree with my diary, the army moved from the field of Waterloo on the 19th and bivouacked that night at and near to Nivelles, marched on the 20th to Binche and on the 21st marched from Binche to Bavay entering France on that latter day’s march. According to Siborne (vol. 2, pages 335 and 336)¶ the allied army had, on the 2nd, its right at Mons and left at Binche with the headquarters at Binche; but it appears that the headquarters were not at Binche, but at Nivelles, on the 20th; from which place the Duke issued on the 20th his famous cautionary order as to the entrance of the army into France and of thanks to the army for its glorious conduct on the 18th (see Maxwell’s Life of Wellington, vol. 3, page 508). All this corresponds exactly with my diary written from day to day at the time, but my diary says nothing of where the Duke slept on the night of the 2nd; but I suppose that he did sleep at Nivelles 20th June, and it corresponds with his intention of passing the frontier with his army next day, as he actually did; for it was between Binche and Bavay that he passed the Guards and Third Division on that morning that he placed Kielmansegge in arrest.

I was one of the Staff Officers introduced to the king of France by the Duke of Wellington at Paris on the occasion to which you refer, and at that time I was in daily and constant communication with Count Kielmansegge, yet I never until now heard that anything occurred on that occasion respecting Kielmansegge, and I shall be very much obliged to you to let me know which it was, as I am of course very much interested in all that regards his case. Accompanying this I return Sir Alex Woodford’s letter to you.

No. 7 From the Same

Bath, 24 December 1863

My dear Sir Willoughby,

I have just received your letter of the 22nd which gives me a great degree of pleasure and satisfaction. I am very much gratified to find upon such evidence as yours that the Duke of Wellington behaved to the gallant old Count Kielmansegge with the kindness and consideration which you observed.

My object in now writing is to explain to you that I am not in the slightest degree an evidence against the opinion which you formed that the Duke took Kielmansegge to the levee of the king of the French in his carriage. After the Third Division arrived at Paris and was quartered near Passy, I dined with Kielmansegge and was a great deal with him every day, but when the command of the division fell into other hands, and we all went into Paris, I very rarely saw Kielmansegge, and I did not see him at the levee, nor did I know until I received your letter this morning that he had been at it. The conduct of the Duke of Wellington to Count Kielmansegge, under all the circumstances of the case,