The Black Book on Red China:: The Continuing Revolt

By Edward Hunter

"The Black Book on Red China: The Continuing Revolt" delves deep into the turbulent history and ongoing unrest within the People's Republic of China. This compelling work provides a stark and unflinching analysis of the political, social, and economic upheavals that have shaped modern China and the establishment of the Communist regime.

The book meticulously chronicles the key events and movements that have challenged the Communist Party's grip on power.

Through a blend of historical documentation, personal accounts, and incisive commentary, "The Black Book on Red China: The Continuing Revolt" offers readers a comprehensive and thought-provoking examination of China's complex political landscape. The book sheds light on the resilience and courage of the Chinese people in their ongoing quest for justice and democracy, despite the formidable challenges they face.

This work is an essential read for anyone seeking to understand the dynamics of rebellion and resistance in China, as well as the broader implications for global politics and human rights. "The Black Book on Red China" stands as a testament to the enduring spirit of those who dare to challenge authoritarianism and envision a better future.

• Language: English
• Publisher: Porirua Publishing
• Release date: May 30, 2024
• ISBN: 9781991305312

Edward Hunter

Born in New York, Edward Hunter spent a great amount of years living in Asia. It was in beautiful Thailand that he first began to put his love for Asian art into writing. He had a weekly column in the Bangkok Post entitled, “Antique Hunter,” as well as columns in Living Magazine, and was used as an authority by various media from around the world. When he returned to the United States in the mid 1980’s, he decided to switch careers and entered the intriguing world of high end retail. He worked for Sulka, Loro Piana and now works in Tailored Clothing at the Bergdorf Goodman Men’s store, located on Fifth Avenue in New York City. He is proud to be a founding member of BG 100, an organization created by Bergdorf Goodman to acknowledge the achievements of the top 100 selling associates. He will quickly tell you that it is service to the client that makes a salesperson’s reputation. Yet, by creating his card words, he has altered the value of his business card so far that, after the very first sale, a client almost always remembers to ask for “the poet”, “the philosopher”, “the salesperson who writes on the back of his cards”, or just “Hunter”. Four ways to selling success instead of the traditional one. Or as one of his many clients once said “it’s like receiving an American Fortune Card, not unlike eating at a Chinese restaurant and receiving a Chinese Fortune Cookie!”

Book preview

I — AGGRESSION

Red China has consistently engaged in aggression against its neighbors. This has been going on ever since it completed its occupation of the mainland. The aggression takes the brazen form of open warfare. It also takes the form of a subtle although equally ruthless indirect, clandestine war.

This covert aggression has the same effect as open warfare. Yet it has the added tactical advantage of maneuvering a country being warred upon into a position where it behaves as if it were at peace. Allowed to continue, it guarantees the aggressor ultimate victory.

This strategy, concocted out of military artifices and propaganda pressures, only requires the Peking government’s acceptance into the United Nations to make Red China’s pretenses of being a law-abiding, peace-loving nation practically unchallengeable. But it would be self-evident that in reality, the opposite is the case. The Newspeak language that George Orwell’s genius created would have become the official tongue of the United Nations.

Peking stands convicted by the United Nations itself of direct aggression in Korea. People who read the words seem unable to comprehend that they mean something as evil as a premeditated attack by a band of robbers on a small town bank. But this is exactly what the United Nations resolution does mean! The condemnation, voted upon and passed on February 1, 1951, forthrightly declared that the General Assembly:

Finds that the Central people’s Government of China, by giving direct aid and assistance to those who were already committing aggression in Korea and by engaging in hostilities against the United Nations forces there, has itself engaged in aggression in Korea.

This was the first time the world organization pronounced this judgment against any nation. The condemnation still stands in the official records of the U.N.. Practically every move that Red China has since made has been as if she were determined to make that stigma her crest.

The original invasion of South Korea also was branded as aggression by a United Nations Commission in Korea at the time. The chairman of that Commission, whose name led the list of accusers, was Anup Singh, an Indian. The report he signed minced no words:

The invasion of the territory of the Republic of Korea by the armed forces of the North Korean authorities, which began on June 25, 1950, was an act of aggression initiated without warning and without provocation, in execution of a carefully prepared plan.

Red China helped plan that invasion, and overtly joined the Korean War when the semi-covert assistance of itself and the Soviet Union was no longer able to stave off communist defeat. The coordination of war policies by the Peking-Moscow Axis at Pyongyong, the puppet capital in North Korea, was incontrovertibly proven. While mouthing peace, Soviet Russia had moved giant tanks and big field guns close to the 38th Parallel, waiting the moment for them to move over. Gutted Russian tanks and smashed Soviet guns littered the battlefields in South Korea for several years.

With this record, it would be suicidal to bring the Chinese member of this conspiracy into the chamber of the United Nations, when it is already crippled by the Soviet bloc’s cynical abuse of Parliamentary procedure. The result could only be to hand over additional countries to the communist bloc.

After three years of bloodshed in Korea, a costly truce was finally signed. The record shows that from the day of its signing, its violation began by these same aggressors, until by now, practically every clause in the agreement has been broken. Never in history has a signatory to an international treaty shown more contempt for the spirit of a treaty than the Peking-Moscow Axis has displayed towards that truce agreement.

As just one example, specified ports of entry were named, where U.N. representatives could guard against military supplies being brought into the country in preparation for a renewed aggression. By interpreting the pact as meaning that import of war equipment was only forbidden at those spots, not anywhere else along the border, the communists have again made northern Korea into an arsenal for war.

Red China’s readiness to plunge into additional military adventures abroad is evidenced by its openly proclaimed, prompt offers to send so-called volunteer armies into Indonesia and even into distant Egypt and Iraq; it is eager to stir the broth of war in any area of the earth. Its words and deeds convict it of war-mongering.

Indeed, indirect aggression marks Peking’s relations with every one of the Asian countries. This kind of warfare was devised to circumvent the growing number of agreements by various governments to maintain the peace, made in response to the increasing appeals by the peoples of the earth for an end to armed conflict. Indirect aggression has as its objective the sapping of a nation’s vitality until it surrenders without a test of firearms, or if recourse to these is unavoidable, leaving it too confused and weakened, and bereft of convictions, to use its weapons properly.

Peking has consistently conducted its foreign policy in such a way as to blur the line between direct and indirect aggression.

Indo-China is a tragic instance. Peking’s aggression in Indo-China, although for the most part clandestine warfare, included personnel and materiel aid on such a scale as to be tantamount to direct aggression. Military reinforcements and carrier coolies, loaded with military supplies, trod over the narrow mountain trails in China’s Yunnan province in long, thin lines, often at night, each man and woman some distance behind the other, making aerial attack ineffectual and costly.

Much of the artillery and ammunition captured from Ho Chi-minh’s forces were new shipments from Red Czechoslovakia routed through Siberia and Red China. Captured documents and other reliable data show that 2,000 Communist Chinese served the Viet Minh in staff jobs at the top, in the army divisions and in specialized units such as signal corps and engineering.

Peking’s capture in April, 1950 of the rich, strategic island of Hainan, close to Indo-China, closely abetted this direct intervention. Red Chinese soil provided a safe haven for Ho Chi-minh and his Red colleagues whenever they were tightly pressed or needed to confer on international communist matters.

Fortified by the prestige of its victory over Chiang Kai-shek, Peking set itself up as headquarters for communist revolutions in Asia, Liu Shao-Chi, chief ideologist and the Number 2 Communist, addressing the Trades Union Congress of Asian and Australasian countries in Peking in November of 1949, declared the other Asian lands should follow the way of Mao Tse-tung, using legal and illegal measures in a united front tactic where the enemy was over-powerful, resorting to armed struggle elsewhere, coordinating both in one strategy. He commended the Red rebellions in Viet Nam, Burma, Indonesia, Malaya and the Philippines for acting entirely correctly. They couldn’t lose, he told them, because alongside them stand the mighty Soviet Union, the New Democracies and the forces of peace and democracy all over the world.

The most important task of the Trade Union Conference, he also told the delegates, was to pursue this liberation war. It was their supreme task. In closed sessions, he outlined the strategy in detail. He invited the delegates to attend, saying:

As to the problem of the combination of legal and illegal struggles of the workers and masses of people in the enemy-occupied cities, we shall discuss it in detail later on, and I am not going to expatiate here.

Here was open admission of Red China’s participation in subversion and warfare against all her neighbors, those that recognized her and those that didn’t.

India fit neatly into his description of countries where armed rebellion was yet premature. There, it still was necessary to follow the line Mao had used in Shanghai, collaborating with anyone in order to deceive the non-communists and gain key posts from which to corrode the existing order, while awaiting the opportune time to strike with firearms.

Nobody in those capitals in Asia or at the United Nations in New York can say they weren’t warned by the Peking-Moscow Axis. This speech, by Liu, whose official post is first vice-chairman of the Communist Party of China, who is second only to Mao, and who is frequently referred to as even more influential than he, was published in Peking and reprinted in Paris by the World Federation of Trade Unions the very next month.

Surely, it should be no surprise that the Red Chinese embassies and consulates everywhere are barely concealed centers for infiltration, subversion and insurrection, so far as local conditions permit. Peking’s underground is particularly arrogant in just those countries that have finally shaken themselves free of old-fashioned colonialism and are desperately trying to obtain stability.

Even Peking’s apologists cannot hide the fact that the closer a former colonized country comes to achieving a well-rounded Independence, the more it becomes the butt of Red China’s animosity, and the more unrelentingly does Peking use the channels of international diplomacy for subversive activities, to impede its progress and cause its overturn.

One of the more glaring examples is the case of a Chinese high school teacher in Indonesia, deported in handcuffs for abetting a Red revolt in the early years of the Sukarno reign. He later returned in style as the Red Chinese ambassador! Broadcasts from Peking maliciously went on smearing Indonesia as a colonial state, in spite of the independence it had so painfully acquired, only because it had not become communist. Only when Indonesia allowed the Reds virtually unimpeded infiltration was the virulence of these attacks abated. The price exacted by Peking was a blind recognition that enabled Red China to engage almost without hindrance in underground work aimed at forcing Indonesia into the Peking-Moscow Axis. This is the pattern of Peking’s blackmail diplomacy in furtherance of the Mao Tse-tung line.

Then there was Burma, the first Asian country to recognize Red China. It was rewarded with uninterrupted guerrilla warfare. The extremely tolerant and admittedly Marxist Prime Minister, U Nur was goaded into writing a play, The People Win Through, exposing the foreign allegiance of the leaders in his country’s Red revolt.

In a desperate effort to placate Peking, U Nur agreed to settle a border dispute with Red China by giving up three Burmese villages. Instead of this being accepted in spirit, it was regarded as evidence of Burmese weakness, and the final agreement has been held up while Peking tries to pressure Burma into giving all, asking nothing in return. Meanwhile, Peking has occupied the three villages, and clandestine aid to the Burmese insurrectionists continues.

Peking’s contact with the Philippines has been that of a pirate chief sending wreckers and brigands into the country. Agents and supplies have been smuggled all along into the Philippines. Their only purpose could be to put life into the dead embers of the Huk civil war, for under the martyr Magsaysay’s patient but firm policies, even Luis Taruc, the Mao Tse-tung of the Philippines, walked down from the hills and surrendered.

In Malaya, Red China continues to give the so-called Malayan Liberation Army, composed almost entirely of Red Chinese, just enough support to keep the pot boiling.

The crime of it, its hypocrisy, is particularly demonstrated by Malaya’s attainment of independence. The only objective of this blood-letting and economic warfare can be to destroy that freedom.

The stricken city-state of Singapore, head of the Malayan body, is kept severed from the rest of the country by Red China’s incitation of Red conspiracy on that island. Peking uses its bank there, in lieu of a consulate, which the local government won’t permit to be opened, as the source of cash for the under-ground Red press and for other pro-communist activity.

A wealthy, senile Chinese repatriate from Singapore, named Tan Kah-kee, has been made a high official in Peking’s Overseas Chinese Ministry, and broadcasts encouragement to the terrorists.

Dr. Lin Yu-tang, the world-respected scholar and author, went to Singapore to set up a university for overseas Chinese youth, so they could acquire modern knowledge and not lose their old culture. Orders sent through Tan Kah-kee from Peking destroyed its chances, and he and his family were forced to leave, their lives threatened. This is only one of innumerable examples of Red China’s betrayal of its own people, as a people. Along with its propaganda, Peking exports opium and heroin to Chinese communities throughout Southeast Asia, with the same objective of breaking down resistance. Police files bulge with evidence of it in all of those countries.

In Japan, the profits from the sale of drugs, smuggled from the mainland through the facilities of the Peking government, are expended for purposes of subversion, looking towards revolt and seizure of power. The Japanese police on a number of occasions have captured documents and prisoners proving the nefarious links between the Reds and this drug traffic.

Red China for years has been providing a haven for communist leaders in flight from Japan, and has engaged